Shuji Funo： The Spatial Formation of Cakranegara， Lombok， in Peter J.M. Nas(ed.)：Indonesian Town Revisited，Muenster/Berlin， LitVerlag，2002

 Shuji Funo： The Spatial Formation of Cakranegara， Lombok， in Peter J.M. Nas(ed.)：Indonesian Town Revisited，Muenster/Berlin， LitVerlag，2002

 

The Spatial Formation of CAKRANEGARA, LOMBOK, INDONESIA

 

Dr. Shuji FUNO

Kyoto University, Japan

Graduate School of Architectural and Environmental Design

 

The major purpose of this article is to consider the principles of space organization of houses, villages and cities, and the prevailing cosmology that has decisive influence on their physical arrangement. We selected Cakranegara in Lombok island, Indonesia, as a case study. Lombok island attracts us from several viewpoints. As it is well known there runs Wallace line¹ between Lombok and Bali Island. Lombok island is also interesting in terms of religion. Most of Balinese are Hindu although more than 80% of the populations in Indonesia are Muslim. Islam is dominant in Lombok island, but there is a strong influence of Bali Hindu in the western part of the island. The fact that Hindu and Muslim people coexist in a small island is worthy to be investigated. Incidentally this study is also the first to discover the historic context of Cakranegara and its importance in the history of Indonesian cities. Karangasem kingdom in Bali built Cakranegara as a colonial city in 18th century. Although Cakranegara was in the far east of Indian civilization, we assume that the construction of Cakranegara might have been based on the ideal of ancient Hindu city. It is very interesting that Nagara-Kertagrama², the lontar (coconut leaf) document that describe the Jawa and Majapahit kingdom in the 14th century, was discovered within the Kraton (palace) of Cakranegara. Especially, to compare the configuration of Cakaranegara and the description of the capital of Majapahit kingdom in Nagra-Kertagama may give us some cues to reveal the history. On the other hand, the street pattern of Cakranegara resembles those of ancient Chinese cities and a Japanese city such as Kyoto, which is also one of the reasons Cakranegara attracts us. Anyway, we consider that this kind of gridiron city like Cakranegara exits in Indonesia has not been well known.

 

Introduction

This paper will analyze the principles of space organization of Cakranegara city of Indonesia. In particular it will study (1) street pattern and the plot divisions, (2) neighborhood structure, (3) distribution of religious facilities, (4) organization of neighborhoods, (5) residential segregation, and (6) explain the development of the form of the city in its physical and social dimensions based on the field surveys. The ultimate objective of the study is to compare the ideals of Hindu city planning principles and the form of the Cakranegara city. 

The forms of the dwellings and their organization in the Lombok Island are of peculiar significance. Our research so far has made clear some of the features of the settlements of Lombok Island3: The house form of Lombok raised on stilt represent a culture that is typical in the islands of Southeast Asian region. However, in general, the house forms of Java, Lombok and Bali are built of solid ground floors. The house forms raised on stilt in Lombok are characteristics of Sumbawa and Bugis people, while there are also dwelling styles bordering between the two forms of house culture. In similar manners as with house forms there also exists differences in the religious beliefs. Although a relatively small island, in Lombok it is possible to observe the influence of both the Islamic and Hindu cultures. While Islam is the dominant religion of Indonesia, It is only in Bali Island that the influence of Hindu religious belief is strong. Similarly, despite the Islamization of the Lombok Island, the strength of the Hindu religion can still be felt in Cakranegara, a city at the western part of Lombok bordering the Bali Island.

Cakranegara4 was built as a colonial city by the Karangasem kingdom of Bali in the fist half of the 18th century. Although Cakranegara is at the eastern fringe of Hindu civilization, yet it appears that the construction of the city was an attempt to realize most faithfully the ideal of Hindu culture. The available research works on the Indonesian cities and Indonesia have not yet drawn the attention on the spatial forms and organization of Cakranegara. This study is the first to point out the fact that Cakranegara embodies the Hindu planning ideals and that the city is laid in a grid street pattern.

One of the conclusions that can be derived from the research literature on Islamic cities5 is that there exists no definite characteristic that can be said to be an identity that embodies the concept of an Islamic city. In particular it is to be noted that there exists no definite relationship that is common among the cities of such countries as Indonesia and its neighborhoods, which has the largest Islamic population of the world, and the cities of Arabian countries. However certain characteristic principles on the capital cities (in particular cities that had been the seats of ruling house and built the necessary defense fortification such as city wall) of Asia, Europe and Africa, and the cosmology that guided the building of these cities and city life, may be outlined as following:

a. There are two types of cities--the first that mirror a cosmology that enshrines the seat of royal power at the pivot and the second, which are not governed, by such a cosmology. In the east, south and Southeast Asia there are planning ideologies and classical literatures prescribing the features of the capital cities with the seat of ruling power. But in west Asia such ideals and literatures on the cities are not to be found.

b. On the one hand there exist ideal forms of cities as models, and serve as metaphor for the planning and construction of real cities. On the other hand there are cities that are governed more by the practice of life and functional relationships. There are only few instances that have been built according to the concept of the ideal city forms. It is also to be seen that there is a changing relationship between the city form and the concept of the ideal city in the history of the city development.

c. The concept and the ideal of the city form is found to be more developed and adherence to it more strong in the periphery than at the center of that civilization. For example, cities that are thought to reflect the ideals of Arthasastra6 or Manasara7, the two Hindu classics that describe the forms of royal cities, are the places like Angkor Wat and Angkor Thom in Southeast Asia at the east end of Hindu cultural sphere.

d. The relationship of the prevailing cosmology and the forms of the settlements provides a broad framework in studying the diversities of the cities that are the result of temporal and physical particularities. Thus it may be assumed that Cakranegara as a colonial city of Balinese Hindu kingdom reflects in a certain manner the concept of the planning of the ideal Hindu city and the traditions of Hindu society.  One of the interesting fact of major significance is that the Lontar chronicle 'Nagara-kertagrama' that describe the Majapahit Kingdom was discovered in the kraton--the royal palace of Cakranegara. It is of no doubt that this work was referred in the building and planning of the city of Cakranegara.

The study is based on the fieldworks in Lombok Island conducted at four different periods as noted below:

1. The first survey between the period 1991, Dec 6-Dec 24 (members: Toshiaki Ohji, Tsutomu Sakamoto, Kiyonori Kanasaka, Shuji Funo, Koji Sato, Yoshihisa Wakita, Norio Maki). Reconnaissance of the cities and settlements of the whole island. A field survey measurement of the sacred site--Pura Meru.

2.  The second survey between the period 1992, Sep 6-Oct 3 (members: Toshiaki Ohji, Shuji Funo, Yoshihisa Wakita, Nobuaki Matsui, Akihito Aoi, Yoshiyuki Hori, Yumi Kanki). Interview with the local researchers related on the history of the old city. Field measurements of the plot divisions, survey on the structure of residential quarter and residential segregation.

3. The third survey between the period 1993, Nov 24-Jan 20 (members: Toshiaki Ohji, Norio Maki, Yoshihisa Wakita, Yasuzumi Yoshii, Naohiko Yamamaoto). Survey of the plot divisions community organization, and caste structure.

4. The fourth survey during the period 1994, May 2-May 18 (members: Shuji Funo, Toshiaki Ohji). Detail survey of ethnicity, religion and caste of each household.

 

Ⅰ Street System and Structure of Residential Quarters

1. Cakranegara and the cities of Lombok

1-1. Mataram

The administrative center of Lombok island is the city of Mataram. It is the state capital of Nusatengara Barat and in its region includes the nearby cities of Ampenan and Cakranegara, which are the lower administrative units known as kecamatan (kecamatan is derived from kelurahan)8. Ampenan flourished as a port town during the colonial period of Holland. While Mataram, C, Pagasangan and Pagutan were built as the colonial towns of the Bali Hindu Kingdom. The other major cities are Praya in the central region and Selong at the eastern region of Lombok. Praya was a base of Sasaks in the revolt against the Balinese regime. Selong is located at the strategic point at the east. It has a huge mosque at its central district and unlike the cities of the western Lombok that have strong influence of Bali; it exhibits a similarity with the cities of Java and other Islamic cities of Indonesia. The locations of cities of Lombok Island are shown in Fig. 1-1.

The total population of Mataram consisting of kecamatan Mataram (7 kelurahan), kecamatan Ampenan (7 kelurahan) and kecamatan Cakranegara (9 kelurahn) is 274,765 (1990)9. This is about one third of the total population including other kecamatans of west Lombok, which is 858, 996.

1-2. Cakranegara

In Sanskrit, cakra means the 'wheel of Law' or simply the wheel and 'negara' is the state10. It is clear that the name 'Cakranegara' indicates its Indian origin. The central temple of the city is known as Pura Meru. Meru is the sacred cosmic mountain in the Hindu cosmology. Pura Meru was constructed in 1720 at the center of the city and similarly Pura Mayura beside the royal palace was built in 174411. It can be said that the foundation of the city was laid down at the beginning of the 18th century.

During those periods of colonization, the Karangasem of Bali continued to expand towards the east of Lombok. However it failed at its quest to bring into its control the neighboring island of Sumbawa at the east as it was already under the influence of East India Company of Holland (VOC). However the king of Sasaks of the indigenous people of Lombok already submitted to the Karangasem regime in the early years of 1740's.

The Karangasem regime became divided into a number of kingdoms in a period between the end of 18th and 19th century. In the west Lombok Pagasangan, Pagutan, Mataram and Cakranegara (Karangasem) separated into four by the beginning of 19th century. The influence of the regime in the east of Lombok was considerably weakened.

At the beginning of 19th century the regions of eastern and western Lombok developed into different societal forms. Most of the Balinese settled in the previous four cities at the west. Majority of the Sasaks lived in the villages at the peripheral regions of these four cities. In addition there were palaces of Narmada, Lingsar and Gunungsari away at the hinterlands. The region under the direct influence of Bali was within the area of Ampenan, the most important port town at the west, the central jungle of Jurin of Lombok at the east, the Plateau of Linjani Mountain at the north and the region of Presak Kuripan village at the south. The eastern part of Lombok was left under the administration of local governor.

Fig. 1-2 is a survey map made by the land survey department of the military headquarters of Japan in 194212. It is clear from this map that the city of Cakranegara exhibits a distinct grid pattern in the layout of its streets.

At present there are some sectors where this grid pattern has been lost. There now is a mosque at the north of Pura Meru and in the areas around the mosque there are already narrow maize of lanes that has developed into the settlement of Muslim community. At the eastern end of the city the majority of the population is also of Muslim community, and there are only few dwelling plots with sanga deity at the northeast corner of dwelling plot that is characteristic of the settlements of Bali. The greater part at the southern end is still unbuilt and the field is utilized to grow vegetables. At the northwest sector, there is a majority of the Hindu community and the dwelling plot is enclosed by fence. The house form of Bali with sanga deity at the northeast corner of the plot is a characteristic of this area.

 

2. The Structure of Residential District of Cakranegara

The analysis of the residential district of Cakranegara is based on the field survey. There are still the remains of old walls in the housing plots of Cakranegara. These walls known as tembok are built with adobe bricks. In order to understand the form of the city at the early stage of its planning and construction, the sites with remains of tembok were selected and the dimensions of the plots and the width of the streets were measured. Fig. 1-3 shows the locations of these areas. The quarter at the western half shows a clear grid pattern while such grid pattern is weakened at the eastern quarter. Yet there are remains of tembok at the northeastern part of the eastern quarter indicating its planning at the early period. The clear width of the streets including tagtagan (see below) was measured from wall to wall between the housing plots.

2-1. Street System and the Divisions of the Housing Plots

 While taking a walk around the city, it can be observed that Cakranegara is built with three hierarchic levels of streets (Fig. 1-4). The streets are categorized as marga sanga, marga dasa and marga according to their width with marga sanga being the widest13. The meaning of sanga is 914 and that of dasa is 10. Marga sanga are those two streets that cross through the center of the city15. The two streets are exactly oriented to the cardinal directions running north south and east west and divide the city into four quarters. Marga dasa divides these quarters into urban blocks while marga is the streets that run within the urban blocks.

The measured dimensions of marga sanga running east-west is 36.50m, and that of marga sanga running north-south is 45.00m. There are almost no remains of tembok along marga sanga and the dimensions were measured at the neighborhoods of the intersection of the two streets as it is found in the present state. The width of individual marga dasa among 12 marga dasas measured varies from 12.86m to 21.60m. Given the disparity in the individual widths, the average value of 17.20m is not of much significance. However, if we consider those streets which show clear grid structure as well as have the remains of old walls, the widths are 18.70m, 18.56m, 18.54m, 18.36m, 18.07m, 17.80m, 16.90m giving an average of 18.13m which shows a planned construction of marga dasa. In similar manners, although there are variations in the width of marga in the city, the widths of the marga where there are remains of old walls are 8.52m, 8.38m, 7.89m, 7.87m, 7.71m, and 7.52m. The widths are fairly consistent with an average width of 7.98m. Thus it is seen that the three levels of streets of Cakranegara was planned with widths of approximately 8m, 18m and 36m (and 45m).

One important aspect in the planning of the street system of Cakranegara is tagtagan. Tagtagan is the green belt on either side of the streets16. It is said that the ownership of tagtagan between the tembok and the street belongs to the king17. However, according to the traditional custom, tagtagan belonged to the neighboring housing plot--pekarangan, and coconut trees, sugarcane and other fruits were planted which were used for the upacara ritual ceremonies. Thereafter, ceremonies were prohibited within the pekarangan and beginning from 1867-68 ethnic Chinese bought the strip of tagtagan along marga sanga and the belt was used as the shopping space18. Tagtagan was thus originally a ritual and ceremonial space as well as an extension of greenery in the cityscape. But at present almost all part of tagtagan along the marga sanga is occupied by the shops of ethnic Chinese while there are many examples where tagtagan along marga dasa and marga is being incorporated within the individual housing plots--pekarangan. The variations in the widths of the streets owes to these changes in the use of tagtagan. The measurement shows that the width of tagtagan is 11.60m in marga sanga and 4--6m in marga dasa.

The planned execution of Cakranegara is most evident from the dimensions of pekarangan. The number of plots measured with the remains of tembok is 112. The average length of the plot along east-west direction is 26.43m with individual dimensions ranging from a maximum of 30.44m to a minimum of 25.08m. The average width along north-south direction is 24.96m with 27.03m and 21.55m the maximum and minimum widths respectively. If we take the most frequent dimensions in round off meter figures the plot dimension is 26m-east west and 25m-north south.

That the dwelling plots were a planned division was also clear from the interview with the old peoples of the city. According to the old peoples living at the center of the city, the planning dimension of pekarangan is 25m * 25m19. The scale used was called tomba. Tomba is the measuring rod of about 2.5m in length. 25m are a length of 10 tomba. Tagtagan is 2 tomba of about 5m. Further inquiries answer that one pekarangan is a square size plot of 8 are (800 sqm)20 or again 6 are (600 sqm.)21 varying according to the informants. The measurement shows that the plot is not an exact square as it is thought by the informants. But if the tomba is the measuring rod it makes sense in the saying that the plot is of square shape. Anyway it is certain that a standard dimension was fixed in making the divisions of the housing plots. According to the above measurement data the area of the pekarangan is in average 26.43m × 24.96m = 659.69 sqm (25m × 26m = 650 sqm) which generally accords to the view of the informants.

Further investigation based on the above data highlights the dimensional articulation in the planning of the city with tomba as one of the standard measuring unit.

The urban block enclosed by marga dasa is divided into four smaller strips of blocks longitudinally by margas. Each strip of block is then divided in a back-to-back manner giving 10 housing plots on either side with a total of 20 plots in the strip block. If we take the measure of tomba as 2.5m, the width of the plot in the north-south direction is 10 tomba, which are 25m. Further, the length of the block enclosed by marga dasa will be 10 times the width of the housing plot (= 250m). The meaning of dasa in Sasak is ten and it seems that the meaning is derived from this standard of 10 used in the measurement employed in planning the divisions of the urban blocks. The width of the block along the east-west direction is the plot length 26m × 2 × 4 + the width of marga 8m × 3 = 232m.  If we add to this length the width of marga dasa which is 18m, the width of the urban block measured from center to center of marga dasa comes to be 250m. Thus it can be considered that the planned dimension of the urban block is a square of 250m ×250m. In this module, the north-south dimension is the inner clear dimension of the block while at the east west is a center-to-center measurement. Anyway it is clear that a modular system of 10 × 10 and 100 × 100 was used with tomba as the basic unit of measurement in planning the housing plot and the urban block.

2-2 The Unit of The Residential Quarter

The observation of the street pattern and the analysis of the planning dimensions indicate that the block enclosed by marga dasa is the unit of residential neighborhood. Another basis for this assumption is that the boundary of the present spatial unit—karang²², also is defined by marga dasa. Our inquiry to the people further clears the concept on the planning of the residential neighborhood.

According to the elder peoples23, the basic neighborhood unit is made up of two groups of 10 dwelling plots each lining face to face on either side of the marga running north-south. This cluster of 20 plots arranged along the two sides of a marga makes the basic unit known as marga. Two marga then make a unit called kriang. In Bali kriang is a title for the chief of a community unit called banjar. Further two kriang that is made of 80 dwelling plots, make the unit of the neighborhood district known as karang. At present karang corresponds to the unit of RW24 in Indonesian administrative organization.

However, it is thought that karang was one of the hierarchical units in the ritual ceremonies. At the early phase of the building of the city a karang was an area where inhabitants coming from the same locality of Bali settled together. Cakranegara is said to have 33 karang during that period and there was built a pura in each karang. Ritual ceremonies were held in each pura by the community of karang that was again related to the Pura Meru at the center of the city. And it is also said that there was one chief representative in each karang25.

In Bali, there are no settlements where there are no neighborhood districts called karang. Karang in Balinese means the 'dwelling plot Sudra26'. According to Pigeaud27, karang is derived from kalgyans, which is found in the sixth stanza of 76th section of 12th chapter (The territory belonging to the palace and religious communities) of Nagara-kertagrama discovered in the royal palace of Cakranegara. The author of Nagara-kertagrama states, " What is not mentioned here is kalagyans (the place of the workers) which is now spreading all the deshas (villages, territories) of Java. In Bali the neighborhood unit is called banjar. Banjar is a community unit and its functions are the management of the community facilities, maintenance of security and conflict resolutions and finding solutions to the community problems. The chief of this community is kriang banjar. At present banjar and karang is in use among the community of Bali in Cakranegara. However, if banjar is a unit of community organization, karang is a geographical unit. Karang also denotes that common locality for the inhabitants as born of the same place.

2-3 The Organization of the Residential District

The distribution of karangs of Cakranegara at present is shown in Fig. 1-5. It is seen that the area of karang enclosed by marga dasa is not necessarily the common pattern as stated in the above model. Rather there are more instances where the area of karang further expands and crosses marga dasa both in the north south and the east-west directions. But it is clear that karang consists of the units called kriang, which is within the area enclosed by the marga dasa. Alternatively, it can be said that the areas where the organization of marga and kriang are not clear or are lost, were outside the initial planning or have undergone great changes during the later periods.

 

 Summary

a. Cakranegara has three hierarchic levels in its street pattern--marga sanga, marga dasa and marga. The urban block and the residential districts are divided by the grid layout pattern of these streets.

b. The individual blocks are divided following a system of planned dimensions. The dwelling plots and the urban blocks are arranged according to the standard measuring unit known as tomba (2.5m).

c. The conceptual planning of the residential district consists of 20 dwellings for a marga unit; 40 dwellings for a kriang and 80 dwellings for a karang.

d. In the east-west direction run marga dasa of 18m widths at an interval of 250m and the marga sanga is 36m, two times the width of marg dasa.

 

Ⅱ　STREET PATTERN AND BLOCK SYSTEM

 

Cakranegara was built as a colonial city of Karangasem kingdom in Bali in 18th century. Pura Meru, the central biggest and impressive Hindu temple, dedicated to Brahumana, Vishunu and Siva, was built in 1720 by the king of Karangasem, Agung Made Ngurah, to unite all the Balinese small kingdoms in Lombok. Enclosing three towers, there stand 33 small shrines in the temple precinct. The name of each small shrine is derived from the name of karang (neighborhood unit), which has been maintaining the building. We can consider that the distribution of temples (puras) indicate the original area of the city. This paper clarifies the distribution of karangs and the area planned at the initial phase of the construction of Cakranegara.

This part of the paper will analyze the distribution of religious facilities and the organization of neighborhoods. The largest unit of the community organization in Cakranegara is called karang and the karang is also a community unit in relation to the ritual ceremonies of Pura Meru. We intend to discuss the following four aspects in relation to the community organization of Cakranagara:

1) A historical account on the relationship between Lombok and the Karangasem of Bali that constructed the city of Cakranegara;

2) The relationship of the neighborhood community organization with respect to the ritual community related to the central temple Pura Meru;

3) The process of formation of the community organization and its relevance with the place names of Bali and karang; and

4) Identification of the area planned at the initial phase of the construction of C from the conclusion drawn from the above 3 aspects related to the history of the Cakranagara community.

 

1. Historical Relationship of Cakranagara with the Karangasem of Bali28

A political and economical history on the control of Lombok by Bali is given by Alfons van der Kraan²⁹. We here will mention those aspects pertinent to the relationship of Cakranegara and the Karangasem of Bali. In the first quarter of 17th century, Balinese were gaining political control in some of the regions of west Lombok. During the same period Makkasars from Sumbawa crossing the Alas strait had come to control the east Lomobk. During 17th century Lombok Island has been a battlefield in the conflicts between the Karangasem of Bali and the Makkasars loyal to Sumbawa. The battle finally yielded to Karangasem of Bali. However, later from the second half of 17th century to 19th century there were frequent conflicts between the Sasaks, the indigenous people of Lombo who were Muslims, and Bali. According to Kraan, the protracted conflict between Sasaks and Bali can be divided into four phases:

The first phase is a period between 1678-1740 when Balinese continued to expand forward towards the east. Bali marched east up to Sumbawa but failed in gaining the control. Bali succeeded to rule Lombok and all the regions of Sasaks were in its effective political control. The Lombok chronicle assigns the defeat of Sasaks to the mutual distrust of its aristocracy.

The second phase covers the regime of Gusti Wayan Tegah from 1740 to 1775. In this period, Balinese control in Lombok was strengthened and there were no uprisings of Sasaks against Balinese, and got almost no opportunity for their independence. This is the period that laid the groundwork for the control of Lombok Island by the Balinese. While the temple of Pura Meru was built in 1720, Pura Mayura was built in 1744. Most of the other temples of Cakranegara were also built during this time. It is thought that the basic structure of Cakranegara was laid out by the first half of the 18th century.

The third period is from 1775 to 1838 when the Karangasem regime disintegrated. Conflicts ensued among the rival factions of Balinese following the death of Gusti Wayan Tegah. The division in the palace finally brought the division of the kingdom by the first decade of 1800 and there were four rival kingdoms in west Lombok by the beginning of the 19th century. The main kingdoms were Cakranegara (so called Karangasem-Lombok), Mataram, Pagasangan, and Pagutan. In this period the control of Bali in east Lombok was weak and the Sasaks seizing this opportunity succeded to get independence. Fig. 2-1 shows the locations of the cities of Pagutan, Mataram, Pagasangan and Cakranegara.

The fourth period is from 1838 to 1849 during which Bali Karangasem was again reunited³⁰. At the beginning there occured battle between Cakranegara and Mataram. Mataram won the battle and then united the four-seperate kingdoms. Immediately following the unification the sovereign Rado Agun II of Mataram of Karangasem kingdom march forward to the east Lombok finally leading the island towards unification with Karangasem³¹.

 

2. Ritual Facilities of Cakranegara

2-1 Lombok and Pura

Although there is a dominance of Muslim population in Lombok Island, puras may be found in all the places of west Lombok (Fig. 2-2). In Bali pura indicates a Hindu shrine, while in Lombok there are shrines sacred both to Hindu and Muslims and are known as pura Lingsar. The deity who is the object of devotion to both the religious community is called Kumarik. The puras of west Lombok including pura Lingsar are laid in such a way as to orient towards the holy mountain of Linjani³². The laying out of Pura Meru is considered to have great significance even in the selection of the site for building Cakranegara.

Pura Meru is at the center of Cakranegara (Fig. 2-5). As Meru symbolizes the cosmic mountain and the center of the cosmos, it is the biggest pura among all the puras of Lombok. The temple is located along the major street running east west and is encircled by high red burnt brick masonry wall. As it has been noted earlier, the pura was built by the king of Kanrangasem of Bali, Agung Made Ngurah as a symbol of unity of all the kingdoms of Lombok.

Cakranegara has pura dalem (the temple of death) and at the west end and pura sveta at the east end. A set of three temples--pura dalem, pura desa and pura puseh--known as kayangan tiga is one definite characteristic that can be found in all the settlements of Bali. However, in South Bali, the kayangan tiga, in principle, is laid at the north and south of the settlement. In the case of Cakranegara, this is laid in the east and west of the city. The holy mountain of Rinjani lies at the northeast of Cakranegara and this is one important aspect that draws the attention in the organization of the whole city.

Pura Meru is dedicated to the Hindu trinity of gods--Brahmana (Bramha), Vishunu (Visnu) and Siva. The temple precinct from east to west is divided into three sectors and is known as Swah (the heaven, called Jero Pure or Jeroan in Lombok), Bwah (the world, called Jabe Tengah), and Bhur (the nether world, called Jabayan in west and Jabe Pesan in east Lombok) (Fig. 2-3). This organization of Pura Meru symbolically represents the concept of the three worlds in the Hindu religion.

There is a gate at the north side of the precinct of Bhur and at its northwest corner is located a bell tower built with round lumber, and is known as bale kulkul. The precinct is divided into two areas with a level difference. The eastern part is on a higher level and is called Jabe Pesan while the west is Jabayan. There is a bringin³³ tree at the middle of Jabayan. The gate is in the typical form of candi bentar with multiple divisions that can be found in the puras of Bali.

In the central precinct of Bwah, there are two buildings--Bale Gong Kembar and Bale Panggungan, and bringin trees with a way in the middle for the devotees. In Bali these buildings are for the purpose of preparations in the festival and for the playing of gamran devotional music.

In Swah, the eastern precinct of Pura Meru, there are numerous towers and shrines dedicated to various deities. Among them the central tower is 11-storied high and is dedicated to Siva. The roof of the temple is covered with arang-arang while the structure is built from a kind of jack wood called nunka³⁴ The structure of the tower is like a layer of boxes arranged one above the other (Fig. 2-4). The tower at the north is dedicated to Vishunu and is nine stories high while the 7-storied tower at the south is dedicated to Brahmana. Both of these towers are covered with roofing tiles.

In addition, at the northeast corner there is a small tower built of stone dedicated to a male deity, Sambhu. Similiarly, there are three other small towers in stone in front of the main towers and are dedicated to Rinjani mountain, a mail deity Ungerurah and Sanga-Agun (the principle shrine) located respectively from north to south. Again there are 13 shrines at the north and 16 at the east lining in such a manner so as to encircle the three main temple towers of the precinct. These 29 shrines are built of wood and deity of each karang (sanga) is enshrined here with the name of the respective karang inscribed in each shrine.

According to the keepers of the Pura, the three main temples and 33 shrines are maintained and looked after by 33 karangs which includes Cakranegara with the villages located at its sub urban periphery. The list of these 33 karangs is given in Table 2-1.

There are instances that the number of shrines and the karangs do not always have strict correspondence. For instance, Bj Mantri of No. 11 and Kr Aron Aron of No. 30 are in reality the same karang. Likewise, Bj Pande (north) and Bj Pande Selatan (south) were later divided from a single karang of early period. Also it is found that the karang Sempalan of No. 13 looks after both shrines. The exact relationship in the number of karang and the shrines that were built at the early period of foundation is not clear.

The number 33, which is the number of shrines, has its significance in that it represents the number of constellations in the southern sky. The number is also symbolic of 33 gods residing in the cosmic mountain, Meru. It was also a mark in the appointment of government officials, such as those in the regime of Javi Pegu of Kaming dynasty of Burma. Another significant aspect is that there is 33 fountains built in the Pura Mayura that lies at the north side of the major east-west street.

Although, in the case of Cakranegara, the exact reason on the use of number 33 is not yet clear, but the number bears similar symbolic significance in both the Hindu and Buddhist religions. Since there are numerous mountains in Java bearing the symbolism of Mount Meru, it is only natural to think that such cosmology is reflected in certain manner in Cakranegara. At least since Pura Meru is the center of religious belief of the city, it can be concluded that the small shrines built in Swah symbolises the unity of the community of Cakranegara.

 

2-2. Pura and Karang

In general, each karang of Cakranegara has its respective pura. The location of pura and karang of the city are shown in Fig. 2-5. Although there are karangs either without such standard structural relationship with pura or even without it, yet it is still possible to discern a basic pattern in the organization of karang with pura as its community center. Among 33 karangs related to Pura Meru, eight are found to be located in the district of Kederi at the southern suburb of the city.

A comparison between the present name of the karangs and those inscribed in the three major temples and 33 shrines indicates certain changes that did occur in the intervening historical periods. One of them is the community with shrines in Pura Meru but which has since disappeared and the karang itself in no more in existence. The second is that there is both the existence of the shrine in Pura Meru and the corresponding karang, but there is no pura in the karang itself. It thus indicates that there have occurred changes in the constitution of karangs. However, the greater numbers of karangs are still in existence and have been there from the initial stage of their establishment in 18th century. This part of the history was explained to us in an inquiry made to the grandson of the king of Karangasem.

 

3. The Process of Formation of Karang

Cakranegara was built as a colonial city in the first half of 18th century by the king of Karangsem of Bali. We have been told that each karang of the city was called after the name of the settlement of origin in Bali and that the original inhabitants of each karang came from that settlement. A map of Bali Island drawn by the survey department of the Japanese Cavalry in 1943 was checked in order to confirm this relationship of community structure of Cakranegara³⁵. The area that has been checked is shown in Fig. 2-6. It is found that 15 karangs of Cakranegara have the same name with the settlement of Karangasem prefecture of Bali. One is found in Buleleng, and with yet another one is bearing the name of the Buleleng prefecture itself. The seventeen karangs thus confirmed shows that karangs of Cakranegara were, in general, named after the settlements of Bali. It is a general phenomenon in the colonial towns that a migrating colonizing community plants the name of its place of origin to the soil of the new settlement. Our inquiry to the inhabitants of the city also suggests that there is still strong memory of the inhabitants to relate themselves with the villages and settlements of Bali, an additional support that the karangs of Cakranegara were settled by the peoples coming from the same villages of Bali.

 

4. The Process of Development and The Initial Planned Area

Among the 17 karangs whose names were verified from the settlements of Bali, 12 have their shrines in Pura Meru. It may be said that at least, these 12 karangs were planned and settled at the initial phase of the development of Chakranegara. Most of these karangs are found to be concentrated on the western sector of the city. This along with the fact that the western sector has streets of regular grid pattern suggests that the city was first developed along the western sector. Fig. 2-7 shows the areas that are named after the settlements in Bali and the areas that have their respective puras in their karang, and the shrines built in Pura Meru. In addition to the planned clusters at the western sector, there is one karang--No. 20 (Kr. Abiantubuh Selatan)-- at the southern tip of the city, which has similar block division pattern as in the central areas. Similarly, there is No. 21 (Kr. Jero) in the north and No. 23 (Sweta) in the east. Cakranegara did suffer severe damage in its war with Holland, and thus, there are some difficulties in making definite statements on the original planning concept by analyzing the existing structure of the city. Yet it would be reasonable to consider that the areas that have puras and respective shrines in Pura Meru broadly indicate that area of Cakranegara that was planned at its initial stage of development.

 

Summary

Cakranegara planned in a regular gridiron pattern was built as a ceremonial city with Pura Meru as its ritual center. Following characteristics of the planning of Cakranegara can be outlined from the shrines dedicated to various Hindu deities in Pura Meru and the distribution pattern of the karangs that maintain these shrines:

a. The residential districts of Cakranegara were organized into karangs, and as ritual communities of the central temple, Pura Meru, of the city.

b. Karang represents the socio-spatial organization of Home communities of Bali in Cakranegara.

c. The area of development at the initial phase of the construction of Cakranegara can be inferred from the distribution of karangs that maintain the temple towers and shrines. However, it should be noted that this tradition did continue to cover the wider area of kecematan Cakranegara. It is especially apparent from the areas that are at the extended tips at the south, east and north of the city, which have puras in karangs and the respective shrines represented in Pura Meru.

d. The fact that the original settlers of Cakranegara came from Bali and that the name of the karangs of the city inscribed in Pura Meru were derived after the names of respective settlement and villages (banjar) that they came from enables us to broadly outline area of initial development of the city. While the western sector of Cakranegara was developed at the beginning phase, it is also thought that the northern part of the city was included in the initial planning.

We intend to analyze, in the next paper, (1) the residential segregation between the Hindu and Muslims, and among the casts of Hindu community and (2) the general planning concepts and principles in the building of Cakranegara by comparing our analysis with the royal capital as described in Nagara-kertagrama, the chronicle of Majpahit kingdom of 14th century, and found in the palace of Cakranegara.

 

Ⅲ　CHARACTERISTICS OF HABITAT SEGREGATION

We consider that Cakranegara was constructed based on the idea of Bali Hindu City. This part clarifies the characteristics of habitat segregation among Muslims, Chinese and Balinese. The segregation of living according to caste among the Balinese is also clarified. The structure of segregation pattern in Cakranegara is clear. The basic structure is as follows: (1) Balinese live in the central parts while Muslims live at the periphery of the city. The housing lot and the street pattern are completely different between the areas of Balinese and those of Muslims. (2) Each community unit, known as karang, has a pura, a Hindu temple or a Masjid. (3) Chinese are scattered in all the areas of Cakranegara. Chinese basically work in the commercial sector. (4) Balinese make segregation in the living area according to the caste hierarchy. Brahmana live in the north and eastern part of the city. Ksatriya are in the west while Gusti live in the south. People related to the royal family live in the vicinity of the place where previously the palace was located.

This part will make a study of the principles of the structure of residential quarters by analyzing the settlement segregation patterns in the living quarters of the city of Cakranegara in the island of Lombok, Indonesia. The term 'segregation', as used in this paper, implies the separation of living areas of the various communities as identified in terms of religion, ethnicity and caste.

It is thought that the city of Cakranegara, built in a regular grid pattern, as a colonial town by the Karangasem kingdom of Bali in the first half of 18th century was constructed according to certain ideals of the Hindu city planning principles. The first part of this research, using the survey measurement data on the street pattern and the plot divisions demonstrated that the city was a planned construction based on a standard module of measurement. The second part analyzed the central temple of Cakranaegara, Pura Meru³⁶. The study of the organization of shrines within the temple complex, their maintenance and their respective communities shows that the shrines were built by the inhabitants of Cakranegara who were regional communities migrated from certain regions, known as karang, of Bali.

Here, we will first give a general outline of the segregation of living quarters between the Muslims and the Hindu community and then make an analysis of the characteristics of the segregation among the various castes within the Hindu community. With respect to the study of segregation, a general survey on the pattern of land divisions and the segregation of living quarters was conducted covering the whole area of kecamatan Cakranegara. In particular interview records on the religion and ethnicity of the inhabitant of each plot surveyed were noted. The castes among the Hindu communities were noted by enquiring the name and surname of the inhabitants. The results are shown in Fig. 3-2, 3 and Fig. 3-5 to Fig.3-8, which show the segregation pattern as delineated in the units of residential plots.

 

1. Inhabitants of Lombok Island

1-1. Ethnicity in the Lombok Island

The indigenous people of Lombok Island are Sasaks and occupy nearly 90% of the population of the island³⁷. Following the adaptation of Islamic religion in Lombok, Sasaks have been divided into 3 community groups--Bodha, Waktu Telu and Waktu Lima. Bodhas who continued their local religion are no more in the scene while there is still a differentiation between Waktu Telu (also known as Waktu Tiga³⁸) and Waktu Lima. Waktu Telu are those who accepted the Islamic rule but did not change their religion while Waktu Lima are those who changed their religion as well.

In the rest of the population of the island, Balinese constitute the major community group. Balinese have continued their Hindu life style and made a strong cultural influence in the Sasak community. Almost all of the Balinese population is concentrated in the Western Lombok with Cakranegara as the center, and most of them preserve memory of their relationship with the ancestral place--the karang and the Karangasem of Bali. The animosity created by the historical encounters³⁹ of Sasaks with Bali, and the conflict with the Hindu and Islamic religions continues to be a problem up to modern times.

Other communities of minority are Chinese, Javanese, Arabian, Maccasar (Bugis), Sumbawa and others. In the harbor town of Anpenan, there are still special localities of these communities with names such as Arab kampong, Bugis kampong and Malay kampong, etc.

The Makkasars engage in fishing and its trade, and their peculiar dwellings raised in timber stilt can be found distributed in the small isles and at the coastal lines. Most of these settlements are the developments of recent times.

Most of the inhabitants of Chinese origin came from Canton and play vital role in the island. At the beginning, Chinese are said to have come with the Dutch in the island as cheap laborers. Later they became an important economic force in the island. At present, they are concentrated in Ampenan and Cakranegara, the two commercial centers of the West Lombok. Until 1966, there was a Chinese settlement district in the harbor town of Labuhan Haji in East Lombok. But following the September 30 incident in 1965, the hatred among the orthodox Muslims against the ethnic Chinese grew to such an extent that all the houses of the Chinese people were burnt down. Following this incident, all the Chinese moved to the suburban areas of Ampenan with a result that Labuhan Haji stopped to function as a harbor. The crucial economic position the Chinese held in Lombok is demonstrated by this historical event.

The Javanese are mainly engaged in the government bodies and military organs. The Arabians hold special role in the religious life of Lombok. Known as the children of Mohammed, they perform priestly roles and receive special privilege in the religious matters. They live in an area called Arab kampung, separate from other communities. They conduct marriage within their own community and, in commerce; Arabs have a rival relationship with the Chinese.

The 1990 census of Indonesian government states the population of Lombok island as 2, 403,025. Within it, the population of West Lombok is 858,996, Central Lombok is 678, 746, and East Lombok is 865, 283. Although the exact population of the island at the end of 19th century is not known, according to the data estimated during those periods by Willemstijn⁴⁰ of Holland, the total population of the island was 656,000 (Sasaks--600, 000, Balinese--50, 000, others including Bugis, Madura, Arabs, and Chinese--6000). However, Ten Have⁴¹ in 1894 gives the population to be 405, 000 (Sasaks--380, 000, Balinese--20, 000, Bugis and Chinese--5000). A. v. d. Kraan⁴² suggests a medium population of the above two reports giving a total population of the island to be 530, 000 (Sasaks--490, 000, Balinese-- 35,000 and others--5000).

The census data of the early 1920's records a total population of 617, 781. Half a century later, the census of 1971 gives the population as 1, 581,193 (348, 099 households with 4.5 members per households). The population according to the administrative zones is--West Lombok, 509,812; Central Lombok, 476, 986; East Lombok, 594, 595. In this census, 94% are Sasaks, the rest 6% include Balinese, Sumbawa, Makkasar, Chinese, Javanese and Arabs. The regional distribution of the ethnic population is given in Table 3-1. It is evident that Balinese are concentrated in the west while Sumbawa and Makkasars are in the East Lombok.

1-2. The Social Structure of Lombok Island⁴³

A general introduction of the social structure is considered as a prelude to understand the survey analysis of the structure of the city of Cakranegara to be followed.

In the later half of 19th century, the Balinese King and the ruling elite known as Triwangsa⁴⁴ were the powerful class of Lombok. The beaurocracy of administration--baudanda, the court of justice--pedanda and the custom and tax supevisory body--sedahan, all was within the hand of the class belonging to Triwangsa. The supreme head of Sasaks--punggawa, was only acting as a village head or the tax collector for the chief district officer who was a Balinese.

The rule of the Balinese in Lombok was somewhat different in the East Lombok. Balinese have firmly consolidated themselves in West Lombok and since there were no Sasak kingdoms in the region, there was a relatively amicable relationship between the ruling Balinese and the Sasaks. The Sasak peasants belonged to Waktu Telu and participated in the religious rituals with Balinese in the same temples and shrines. In addition, there were occasional intermarriages between the two communities. The two communities were also involved in the same irrigation network and organization, called subak, for the rice cultivation. It means that there was a process of social and economic integration in the West Lombok between Sasaks and the Balinese.

However, in the East Lombok, although the Balinese rule was established in 1840's, there was a general dissatisfaction among the aristocratic class of Sasaks, and their relationship with the Triwangsa class was not peaceful. The aristocratic Purawangsa belonged to Waktu Lima and there continued bitter religious struggles with the Balinese. The Sasak peasants, on the other hand, did have strong cultural bond with the Purwangsas as their leaders. But East Lombok was also firmly in the hand of the Balinese rule and it is thought that during those times, there were around 50 pungawas with puri as the center in the hands of Balinese authorities.

The agricultural fields were, in general, divided into two kinds. One is the land, known as druwe dalem, directly belonging to the king and the other was druwe jabe, which belonged to the people other than the palace.

Druwe dalem was divided into three different types of land-- (1) the land given to the peasants in return to their annual labor and tax in kind. This kind of land, called pengayah, could not be sold. (3) The third type of the land called wakap exacted both the tax and the labor. These lands were to support the religious institutions such as temples and mosques, and could not be sold.

Druwe jabe was also divided into two kinds of land. (1) druwe jabe Bali was the land belonging to the noble families related to the royalty. The king did not collect the tax and revenue from these land but the nobles themselves collected the tax for their own purpose. (2) druwe jabe Sasak belonged to the noble families of Sasaks but other regulations pertaining to this kind of land was same as to druwe jabe Bali.

In the second half of the 19th century there existed two pyramids in the social structure of Lombok. The first, there was the Balinese king at the top followed by the Triwangsha class with Balinese peasants at the base of the pyramid. The next pyramid had the Balinese king at the top with Sasak noble families below and supported by the Sasak peasantry. The position of the Balinese pyramid was relatively high in the hierarchical status of the society of Lombok.

 

2. The Inhabitant Structure of Cakranegara

The population of kechematan Cakranegara is around 74,000 (1990). The population structure by kerurahan, according to religious belief, within the kechematan divided by the grid structure of the city shows that the majority of the inhabitants in the four sectors, viz., West Cakranegara (Cakranegara Barat), East Cakranegara (Cakranegara Timur), North Cakranegara (Cakranegara Utara), South Cakranegara (Cakranegara Selatan), are Hindus. Hindu population is in the majority in more than 80% of the karangs in West and East Cakranegara, while it is more than 55% in the North and South Cakranegara (Fig. 3-1, Table 3-2).

In particular, there is an evident characteristic in the distribution of Muslim population. Muslims live at the peripheral area of the city (Fig 3-2). In the western sector, the quarters of Muslims run at the border of the city blocks enclosed by marga. One kriang at the west of Bj. Pande Utara and another at the west of Bj. Pande Selatan are inhabited by Muslim communities. The area at the north of Kr. Sampalan is thought to have been developed as a Muslim settlement in later times. In the south, Muslims are found at the periphery of Kr. Abiantubuh. Kriang Getap is known for iron works and is settled by Muslims of lower income group. In the east, Desa Seganten can be divided into four kriangs that are all settled by Muslims. The breakdown of the regular grid pattern more apparent in this eastern part of the city area is explained by this distribution of the Muslim settlement. In the north, Muslim is, in similar manner, settled in the peripheral zone. It is seen that the Hindu population of the city is surrounded by the communities of Muslims residing at the periphery. Muslims are found at the central area of the city only in certain part of the kampung Java and karang Bedil.

The ethnic Chinese are settled in all the areas of the city but their major concentration is found in two areas--one in the adjacent belts of the city central areas and next is along the belts of the major streets. In the central areas line up money shops are managed by Chinese. Most of Chinese of Cakranegara are primarily involved in the commercial sectors.

 

3. The Structure of the Residential Quarter and The Distribution of Facilities

Although karangs in an urban block is one unit of residential quarter with around 20 households, it has various forms with instances where a karang even crosses the major street--marga dasa. There is certain pattern in the distribution of urban facilities such as mosques, puras and shops, and the structure of karangs. The distribution of mosques and puras are related to the distribution pattern of the Muslim and Hindu communities. Mosques are located in the settlement areas of Muslims. In addition, there are 3 mosques built at the central part of the city. There are also 3 Christian churches, and Buddhist temples of the Chinese communities.

 Market centers called pasar, selling foods, fresh fish and vegetables and other daily necessities are evenly distributed with one at the center and 4 others located at the north, east, south and the west sectors of the city. Other commercial shops are concentrated along the major street--marga sanga. Schools are located in each residential sector with one for several karangs.

 

4. The Structure of Segregation

4-1 The Hindu and The Muslim Settlement Areas

There are differences in the spatial structure of the Hindu and Muslim settlement areas⁴⁵. In contrast to the regular grid pattern of the settlement areas of Hindu community, the areas inhabited by the Muslims have no such regularities in the street pattern and appear to be haphazard. The streets become zigzag and get narrow and finally end to a cul-de-sac. Accordingly the dwellings also face in all directions. The residential density is high and number of households in a neighborhood unit also differs considerably.

In the Hindu community quarters, although the structure of residential plots is not the same as the typical form of the Bali Majapahit, but all the plots have their sanga--the deity of the dwelling plot, at the northeast corner of the plot. In the recent times, the original plots have been divided or merged thus changing the original structure.

In some of the Muslim areas, the divisions of the residential units were in regular grid as it is in karang Seraya. It is because, in the northern part, there are plots of Hindu community inhabitants divided in regular grids. But this pattern was changed to a great extent by the new pattern of narrow lanes and the construction of houses along these lanes. There are also many lanes with dead ends. There is a distinct contrast between the areas where individual houses are built to form a cluster within an enclosed quarter, and where houses are built along with the extending of the street.

4-2. The Distribution of the Caste

In Cakranegara, as in India, there is a caste, the waruna system, with four hierarchical levels--Brahmana, Ksatriya, Wesya, and Sudra. In the Brahman community, the men are called Ida Bagus and the woman Ida Ayu or Dayu. The offspring from the intercaste marriage, where the mother is of lower caste than the father, is not a Gusti but Gusti Bagus (the female offspring is called Ida Made or Ida Putu). Although the categories among the Ksatriyas is a complex matter, but, in general, they have titles such as Prdewa, Pengakan, Bagus and Prasangiang.  Titles like Dewa Agung, Cokorda, and Anak Agung are also found in history. Almost all the Vaisyas are called Gusti. Sudras, as they constitute about more than half of the Hindu population, are known as Bali biasa (the common Balinese) or Jaba⁴⁶ In India, in accordance with Manasara, it is a basic pattern to find Brahmanas at the north, Ksatriyas at the east, Vaisyas at the south and the Sudras at the west of the settlement.

In Cakranegara, Brahmana communities are found more concentrated at the north of the city. There are also Brahmans in the east and at the northeast of the block at southern tip of the city and at the central part of the western sector. It is of significance that the greater concentration is at the northern sector. At the northeast direction of Cakranegara, there is the holy mountain Rinjani, and it can be said that the location of the mountain was in the consciousness of the planning, as it is clear from the orientation of puras around the city of Cakranegara, which take into account the direction of the holy mountain. It is also of relevance that sanga deity of each dwelling plot is enshrined at the northeast corner of the plot. This structure of orientation reflects the Bali Hindu idea of orientation than the Indian concept as such.

Ksatriyas and Vaisyas, although are a distinct concept, the differentiation in social practice among the inhabitants is not so clear. In particular, it is more ambiguous among the Vaisyas. If Gusti is to be considered as Vaisyas, their distribution is even in all the areas with a greater proportion in the east. While those who consider themselves Ksatriyas are distributed more at the west of the city. Families related to the royal court such as Agun, Ratu, and families with titles Cokorda, Dewa, which are few in number, are located around the vicinity of the royal palace at the east. The areas of major concentration of Ksatriya in the west and Gusti in the east are as shown in Fig. 3-7 and Fig. 3-8. If Gusti is considered as Vaisya, the distribution indicates clear pattern in the segregation of settlement according to caste structure.

Sudras, the Bali biasas, are distributed in all the areas of the city. At the initial phase of the settlement as has been shown in the previous paper (part 2), they were settled in the karangs of the communities related to the original ancestral place of habitation in Bali.

 

Summary

The characteristics of segregation pattern in the settlement quarters of Cakranegara, as described above can be summarized as follows:

a. The Hindu population occupies the central areas of the city while Muslims are settled at the periphery. The difference in the pattern of streets and the residential plots between the two areas is distinct.

b. There are puras and mosques in each karangs, as well as a mosque at the center of the city.

c. Ethnic Chinese are settled in all the areas of the city. They are mainly involved in the commercial sector and are more concentrated along the major streets of the city.

d. There has been segregation in the living areas according to the caste system within the Hindu community.

e. Brahmanas, as the priest class in the Hindu community, live at the northern and eastern part of the city.

f. Among the several categories of Ksatriya, the major concentration is at the west, while Gusti is more concentrated at the eastern sector.

g. The families of Agun, Ratu and others related to the royal family live in the vicinity of the palace.

 

 Now, we have got some materials to discuss the space formation of capital of Majapahit Kingdom described in Nagara-Kertagama.  In the next paper we intend to analyze Nagara-Kertagama to make further studies on the planning concept of Cakranegara and compare the characteristics of settlement planning with other Indian cities, in particular with the city of Jaipur, which was planned and constructed during the same period.

 

Acknowledgement

This research work was conducted with the financial assistance of Housing Research Foundation (no. 9102). We received the guidance from T. Ohji (Southeast Asia Research Center, Kyoto University) as a collaborator in the research. We express our sincere thanks to all of them.

 

 

End Notes   

1. The climate, wildlife and vegetation changes at the east and west by the Wallace line. Bali has the marine climate of the east Pacific while Lombok Island belongs to the Australian climatic zone.

2. Nagara-Kertagrama is an ancient chronicle on the Majapahit kingdom of Java of 14th century written in coconut leaf and is preserved in Leiden University Library. It was discovered. It is significant that J. Brandes, a linguist, discovered the chronicle in the palace of Cakranegara in Nov. 18, 1894. . Pigeaud, Th. G. (1960) has given the translation and explanation of this work in 5 volumes. Th. G. Piegeaud, "Java in Fourteenth Century" vol. 1-5, The Hague.

3. Studies on the cities, settlements and house form have been done by Funo Shuji (1992, 1994) and Yoshihisa Wakita (1995).

4. Following Ref2-9 are the notable works on Cakranegara: These works are on the history and geography of Cakranegara and do not describe the spatial structure of the city.

5. See "A comparative approach on the integrated study of Islamic urbanism"--The Key Regions Research Program of Ministry of Education (1988-1991).

6. See Kautirlya, Utilitarianism--The Kingship in Ancient India (Uemura Katsuhiko Iwanami Bunko, 1984). This work was the basis in the reconstruction of the ancient city by P. V. Begde and W. Kirk. However, T. Ohji has proposed an explanation based on the concept of Mandala (1990).

7. Ancient Indian classic of Architecture. Silpasastra is the general science on the art of city planning, architecture, art and sculpture and collectively denotes the Sanskrit literature on these fields. The most complete work on Silpasastra is Manasara while other 9 works are Mayamata, Casyapa, Vayghanasa, Schaladhicara, Viswacarmiya, Sanatkumar, Saraswatyam, and Pancatantram.  The author of Mayamata is said to be Maya. Maya is considered to have edited the astronomical work Suryasiddhanta. The contents of Mayamata do not differ much from Manasara. Casyapa is the name of the author himself. But he, according to the mythology, is a legendary ancestor said to be the first of the seven seers who escaped the great flood and thus is a mythical personality. Vayghanasa is also the author's name and is the founder of Vainava priesthood. The content of the book are more religious in nature than architecture itself. Schaladhikara is said to be authored by Agastya. This work is unique in some of its content and is an excellent work on Sculpture. Other works are not much different from Manasara.Viswacarmiya is based on Mayamata and is close to Manasara in its description. Sanatkumar is based on Viswacarmiya and is within the tradition of Manasara. Accordingly, Manasara has been the most referred work in Silpasastra. In the work titled Manasara Silpasastra, 'mana' means the measurement and 'sara' is the essence. Thus 'manasara' is the essence of measurement. But Manasara being the title of the work is also said to have been named after its author. Again, 'silpa' means the code and 'sastra' is the science; 'vastu' is architecture and 'vastusastra' is the science of architecture. Thus Manasara should have properly been called Manasara Vastusastra. According to P. K. Acharya Manasara was completed during the period 6th and 7th century in South India. Murata Jitaro however considers that the work was a recension of recent centuries when considering its descriptions of architectural forms.

Another work in Sanskrit giving a detail account on the constitution of the city is Arthasastra. Its expositions on the ideal form of the capital city are plainly stated. Arthasastra is a work arguing for the prosperity of a nation. The author is said to have been the prime minister of the famed Chandragupta I of Maurya dyanasty during 4th century BC. and is thought to be the Kautilya--the ancient hero. This work was edited during a period between 2nd century BC. and 2nd century AD.

There are a number of research publications on Manasara. Among them, the works of P. K. Acharya is considered to be encyclopedic. See P. K. Acharya (1934).

8. The administrative organization of Indonesia is in the following hierarchic order: the lowest basic neighborhood community unit RT (Rukun Tetanga with 30 to 100 households), RW (Rukun Warga, the neighborhood association), kerulahan (ward) and kechamatan (district).

9. Tim Departmen Dalam Negari (1977)

10.In the esoteric Indian concept on the psychic energy of the human body the energy is concentrated on, and channalised from the nodes located at certain stations of Susumna nadi--the spinal chord of the body. These nodes are known as cakra.

11. Arumugam, S. (1990), Departmen Pendidikan dan kebudayan (1990).

12. The map produced by the land survey department of the headquarter of the Japanese cavalry force (1942, Jan). The map is considered to have been based on the work done by Holland. There are 6 sheets of map that link from Ampenan to Cakranagara.

13. Informations from Ide Bagus Alit, a senior (Pengusap) of Cakranegara. Marga means street and is a Sanskrit word. Marga is used for street and as a community unit also in the city of Jaipur in India.

14. In Bali, there exists a concept known as nawa sanga regarding spatial orientation, which is a system of 4 cardinal and 4 intermediate directions with the center.

15. The street running north south is called JL. SLI Jasanudin, and that running east west is called JL. Selaparang. Cakranegara is situated at latitude of 8 degree south of the equator and setting of the sun was observed with the course of the sun along the path of the east-west street during the time of our field survey in the month of September.

16.  Tagtag in Balinese means the standard of level or height.

17. Information from Ide Bagus Alit who worked as the head carpenter.

18. Information from the ex-priest P. Jelantic.

19. Information from the ex-priest Lala Lukman.

20. Ibid. note 17.

21. Ibid. note 18.

22. At present, karang corresponds with the RW, a unit in the administrative organization of Indonesia. 23 Ibid. note 19.

24. Ibid note 8.

25. The personal inquiry to the old peoples and relevant literatures indicate that karang was a community unit in the ritual ceremonies of Cakranegara.

26. Yoshida, Teigo (1992), p 54.

27. Pigeaud, Th. G. (1960).

28. The history of Lombk Island before the invasion of Karangasem of Bali, in brief, is as follows:

The Javaisation: There are not yet direct evidences to prove the control of Lombok by Java kingdom, but the Nagara-kertagrama notes that Lombok Island belonged to the Majpahit kingdom. R Goris mentions that the people of Sembalun at the northeast of Lombok believe that they are the descendents of the Hindu Java and relate the grave of one of the member of the royal family of Java located in the nearby of the region. Some form of historical link is presumed since there is a strong influence of Javanese Hindu in various aspects of Sembalun Valley inhabitants, such as language, music and dance, mythology and the names of sacred objects.

There existed a kingdom of Sasak nationality in between the period from 9th to 11th century. According to a chronicle known as Babad Lombok, the most ancient kingdom of Lombok was in the village of 'Lae' in kecematan Samperia, but later a kingdom came into being in Pamatan of kecematan Aikumeru. It is thought that this place was in Sumparu Valley. The influene of Java in Lombok was within this historical background.

It is said that a prince of Majapahit kingdom, Laden Majapahit established a kingdom called Palang. This kingdom is thought to be Serapalang, which, up to present time, is the alternative name of Lombok Island. Further, a state called Purigi is known from 13th century. It was established by the people who migrated from Java, and Lombok Island, during those times, was also known as Purigi. It is also known that there was one state called Kudaro of Burungas. Several small kingdoms in Lombok are also noted by Nagara-kerutagrama.

By the middle of 14th century Majapahit begins to invade Lombok Island. It invaded Bali in 1343, and by 1344 Lombok falls within its sphere of influence with Surapuran and Kudaro belonging to the kingdom of Majapahit. The fall of Majpahit kingdom was followed by the formation of many small kingdoms in Lombok. The most renowned among them is the kingdom of Rabuhan Lombok.

Islamization: Islam was introduced in Lombok by the middle of 16th century in the period between 1506 and 1545. According to Lombok chronicle, Susuhunan Ratu of Giri ordered for the propagation of Islam and it was Susuhunan Pangeran Prapen who carried the order in Lombok. When Prapen used force for the conversion to Islam, he then moved forward towards Sumbawa and Bima people. It is said that in this period, the natives of Lombok again reverted to their local religion. The return of Prapen to Lombok re-established and consolidated the Islamic influence but a certain part of the population escaped away from the Islamic control and moved to the mountain hills. Some of the population, although submitted to the Islamic control, but did not convert to its religion.

Van Eerde and G. H. Bousquet, the sociologists at the beginning of 20th century, say that there were three religious groups in Sasak tribes--Bodhas, Waktu-Telu and Wakt-Lima. Until the beginning of 20th century Bodhas could be found in several villages in the northern and southern mountain ranges of Rinjani plateau Bodhas, committed to their tribal religion, were Sasaks by language, culture and nationality, and are thought to be those people who escaped to the mountains from the Islamic invasion. While, according to Lombok chronicle, Waktu-Telu are those groups who accepted the Islamic control but did not converted into their religion. It was the group of Waktu-Lima who converted into the religion of Islam.

29 Ref 2

30 As the animosity among the four kingdoms reached its climax, the king of Mataram kingdom, Gusti K'tut Karangasem, supported by the Karangasem military, the puppet king of the English merchants and the Islamic Bugis led a war against the king, Ratu Ngurah Panji, of Cakranegara. It resulted in the capture of the palace of Cakranegara by the Mataram forces, and the battle ended with the mass suicide (puputan) of the king Ratu Ngurah Panji and 300 others in the palace.

31The king of Mataram leaves the throne to his eldest son Ratu Agung K'tut Karangasem. Besides, Dewa Agung of Krungkun who was the susuhunan of Bali installed Ide Rato in the vacant throne of Cakranegara... With the end of the war, Ratu Agung was, in reality, at the center of power in the region of West Lombok. This challenged the royal authority of Ide Ratu, which brought a collision between the king Ratu Agung and Dewa Agung of Krungkung.

Ratu Agung then used the conflict between Dewa Agung and Dutch East India Company, and between Krungkung and Bureren kingdoms. He sent hia army to Bali and played intrigue corrupting the Karangasem family. He finally installed his man on the throne of Bali.

The kingdom of Karangasem Lombok that existed in 18the century was totally reorganized. In this new order, Gusti Wayan Tega became the ruler of Cakranegara region subordinating to the Ratu Agun, the king of Bali Karangasem.

32. Wakita, Yoshihisa Spatial orientation in the settlements of Balinese and Sasaks in the island of Lombok, Indonesia. Transactions on Architecture, Planning and Environmental Engineering, AIJ, Nov., 1996.

33. Beringin is a Gajumal tree, and is considered sacred in Bali and Lombok. Beringin is grown in Pura and Puri (the residential quarter of the ritual communities related to Pura), and at the four corners of karangs.

34. Nunka is a jack wood belonging to Futabaki family.

35. In Indonesian language the vowel 'e' is pronouned as' u'. Thus we consider that kebe = kube and Sidemen = Sidumen. Likewise, kebong and kemong also have similar pronounciation. 

36  It is located at the center of Cakranegara city, and symbolizes the world cosmic axis Mount Meru. Pura Meru is the biggest temple in all the puras of Cakranegara. The pura facing the main east-west street of the city is enclosed by high compound walls with red roofing tiles. It was constructed by the king Agung Made Ngurah of Bali Karangasem kingdom in 1720 as a symbol of unity of all the small kingdoms of the Lombok island.

37 Wakita, Yoshihisa (1995) Spatial Structure of the Settlements of Desa Bayan of Lombok Island, Indonesia. Journal of Architecture, Planning and Environmental Engineering, AIJ, No. 478, p61-68.

38. 'Tiga' in Indonesian (Malay) language means three and which is 'Telu' in Sasak. Telu means 3 and Lima means 5. It is so said because Waktu Lima are the devout Muslims who make their prayer 5 times in a day, while Waktu Telu are so called because they have faith in all the three religions--animism, Hinduism and Islam.

39 The Sasaks consider that Holland helped to liberate them from the Rule of Bali and do not necessarily criticise the Dutch colonialists.

40 H. P. Willemstijin, "Militair-aardrijkskundige beschrijving van het eiland Lombok', IMT, 1891 (Alfons van der Kraan, "Lombok: Conquest, Colonization and Underdevelopment, 1870-1940", Heinemann Asia, 1980).

41. J. J. ten Have, " Het eiland Lombok en zijine bewoners", Den Haag, 1894 (Alfonso van der, "Lombok: Conquest, Colonization and Underdevelopment, 1870-1940", Heinemann Asia, 1980).

42. Ref2 Alfonso van der Kraan, "Lombok: Conquest, Colonization and Underdevelopment, 1870-1940", Heinemann Asia, 1980.

43 on the social structure of Lombok Island see Ref. 2 and Ref. 6.

44 Wakita, et. al., The Sacred Places, Settlements and Orientation of Balinese and Sasaks in Lombok Island, Indonesia. Journal of Architecture, Planning and Environmental Engineering, AIJ, No. 489, pp. 97-102.

45. Fred B. Eiseman, Jr.: BALI Sekala and Niskala, Vol. I, Periplus Editions, Berkeley, Singapore, 1989, pp. 25-38.

 

References

1. Acharya, P.K. (1934) Architecture of Manasara Vol. I-V, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt Ltd.

2 Alfons van der Kraan, Lombok: Conquest, Colonization and Underdevelopment, 1870-1940, Heinemann Asia, 1980. 

--(1980) "Lombok: Conquest, Colonization and Underdevelopment, 1870-1940", Singapore, H. E. B., 1980.

3. Anat Agung Ktut Agung (1980) Kupu Kupu Kuning Yang Tereb Ang di Sekat Lombok--Lintasan Sejarah Kerajaan Karangasem.

4. Arumugam, S. (1991) Lombok and its Temples

5. Cool, W. (1980) De Lombok Expeditie, The Hague-Batavia.

6. Cool, W. (trans. E. J. Tayor) "The Dutch in the East--An Outline of the Military Operations in Lombok, 1894", The Java Head Bookshop, London, 1934.

7. Departmen Pendidikan dan Kebudayan (1990) Studis Teknis Pura Meru Cakranegara , Proyok Pelestarian/Pemanfaatan Peninggalan Sejarah Purbakala Nusa Tengarra Barat.

8. Departmen Pendidikan dan Kebudayan Pusat Peneritian Sejara dan Budaya Protek Peneritian dan Pencatatan Kebud Ayaan Daerah (1977) Sejarah Daerah Nusa Tengarra Barat.

9. Graaf, H. J. de (Djawa 21: 61941) Lombok in the 17e eeuw; Mededeelingen van de Kirtya-Leifrinck van der Tuuk, Alf.

10. Kitamura, Tadashi, "The Chimaki Battle of Lombok Island", Journal of Ethnic Studies (Jap), No. 37, 1986.

11. Kraan, van der (1980) Lombok: Conquest, Colonization and Underdevelopment, 1870-1940, Singapore, H. E. B.

9. Ohji, T. (1991) Ideal Hindu City of Ancient India a Described in the Arthasastra and the Urban Planning of Jaipur, East Asian Cultural Studies 29-1--4.

12. Pigeaud Th. G. (1960) Java in the Fourteenth Century vol. 5, The Hague, Martinus Nijhoff.

13. Tim Departmen Dalam Negeri (1991) Hasil Seravvasilap angan Dalam Rangka pemb Entukaan Kotamadaya Daerah Tingat 2, MATARAM.

14. Funo, S. (1992), (1994) Cosmology and The Structure of House, Settlement and the City of Lombok Island--A Study on The Principles of the Structure of the House, Settlement and the City of Islamic World. Annual Report of the Housing Research Foundation, No. 19, No. 20.

15. Yoshida, Teigo (1992), The Peoples of Bali Island, Kobundo.

16. Wakita, Yoshihisa (1995) Spatial Structure of the Settlements of Desa Bayan of Lombok Island, Indonesia. Journal of Architecture, Planning and Environmental Engineering, AIJ, No. 478, p61-68.