Shuji
Funo：
The Spatial Formation of Cakranegara， Lombok，
in Peter J.M. Nas(ed.)：Indonesian Town Revisited，Muenster/Berlin，
LitVerlag，2002
The
Spatial Formation of CAKRANEGARA, LOMBOK, INDONESIA
Dr.
Shuji FUNO
Kyoto University, Japan
Graduate School of Architectural
and Environmental Design
The major purpose of
this article is to consider the principles of space organization of houses,
villages and cities, and the prevailing cosmology that has decisive influence
on their physical arrangement. We selected Cakranegara in Lombok island,
Indonesia, as a case study. Lombok island attracts us from several viewpoints.
As it is well known there runs Wallace line1 between Lombok and Bali
Island. Lombok island is also interesting in terms of religion. Most of
Balinese are Hindu although more than 80% of the populations in Indonesia are
Muslim. Islam is dominant in Lombok island, but there is a strong influence of
Bali Hindu in the western part of the island. The fact that Hindu and Muslim
people coexist in a small island is worthy to be investigated. Incidentally
this study is also the first to discover the historic context of Cakranegara
and its importance in the history of Indonesian cities. Karangasem kingdom in
Bali built Cakranegara as a colonial city in 18th century. Although Cakranegara
was in the far east of Indian civilization, we assume that the construction of
Cakranegara might have been based on the ideal of ancient Hindu city. It is
very interesting that Nagara-Kertagrama2, the lontar (coconut
leaf) document that describe the Jawa and Majapahit kingdom in the 14th
century, was discovered within the Kraton (palace) of Cakranegara. Especially,
to compare the configuration of Cakaranegara and the description of the capital
of Majapahit kingdom in Nagra-Kertagama may give us some cues to reveal the
history. On the other hand, the street pattern of Cakranegara resembles those
of ancient Chinese cities and a Japanese city such as Kyoto, which is also one
of the reasons Cakranegara attracts us. Anyway, we consider that this kind of
gridiron city like Cakranegara exits in Indonesia has not been well known.
Introduction
This paper will analyze
the principles of space organization of Cakranegara city of Indonesia. In
particular it will study (1) street pattern and the plot divisions, (2)
neighborhood structure, (3) distribution of religious facilities, (4)
organization of neighborhoods, (5) residential segregation, and (6) explain the
development of the form of the city in its physical and social dimensions based
on the field surveys. The ultimate objective of the study is to compare the
ideals of Hindu city planning principles and the form of the Cakranegara
city.
The forms of the
dwellings and their organization in the Lombok Island are of peculiar
significance. Our research so far has made clear some of the features of the
settlements of Lombok Island3: The house form of Lombok raised on stilt represent a
culture that is typical in the islands of Southeast Asian region. However, in
general, the house forms of Java, Lombok and Bali are built of solid ground
floors. The house forms raised on stilt in Lombok are characteristics of
Sumbawa and Bugis people, while there are also dwelling styles bordering
between the two forms of house culture. In similar manners as with house forms
there also exists differences in the religious beliefs. Although a relatively
small island, in Lombok it is possible to observe the influence of both the
Islamic and Hindu cultures. While Islam is the dominant religion of Indonesia,
It is only in Bali Island that the influence of Hindu religious belief is
strong. Similarly, despite the Islamization of the Lombok Island, the strength
of the Hindu religion can still be felt in Cakranegara, a city at the western
part of Lombok bordering the Bali Island.
Cakranegara4 was built as a colonial city by the Karangasem
kingdom of Bali in the fist half of the 18th century. Although Cakranegara is
at the eastern fringe of Hindu civilization, yet it appears that the
construction of the city was an attempt to realize most faithfully the ideal of
Hindu culture. The available research works on the Indonesian cities and
Indonesia have not yet drawn the attention on the spatial forms and
organization of Cakranegara. This study is the first to point out the fact that
Cakranegara embodies the Hindu planning ideals and that the city is laid in a
grid street pattern.
One of the conclusions
that can be derived from the research literature on Islamic cities5 is that there exists no definite
characteristic that can be said to be an identity that embodies the concept of
an Islamic city. In particular it is to be noted that there exists no definite
relationship that is common among the cities of such countries as Indonesia and
its neighborhoods, which has the largest Islamic population of the world, and
the cities of Arabian countries. However certain characteristic principles on
the capital cities (in particular cities that had been the seats of ruling
house and built the necessary defense fortification such as city wall) of Asia,
Europe and Africa, and the cosmology that guided the building of these cities
and city life, may be outlined as following:
a.
There are two types of cities--the first that mirror a cosmology that enshrines
the seat of royal power at the pivot and the second, which are not governed, by
such a cosmology. In the east, south and Southeast Asia there are planning
ideologies and classical literatures prescribing the features of the capital
cities with the seat of ruling power. But in west Asia such ideals and literatures
on the cities are not to be found.
b.
On the one hand there exist ideal forms of cities as models, and serve as
metaphor for the planning and construction of real cities. On the other hand
there are cities that are governed more by the practice of life and functional
relationships. There are only few instances that have been built according to
the concept of the ideal city forms. It is also to be seen that there is a
changing relationship between the city form and the concept of the ideal city
in the history of the city development.
c.
The concept and the ideal of the city form is found to be more developed and
adherence to it more strong in the periphery than at the center of that
civilization. For example, cities that are thought to reflect the ideals of
Arthasastra6 or Manasara7, the two Hindu classics that
describe the forms of royal cities, are the places like Angkor Wat and Angkor
Thom in Southeast Asia at the east end of Hindu cultural sphere.
d.
The relationship of the prevailing cosmology and the forms of the settlements
provides a broad framework in studying the diversities of the cities that are
the result of temporal and physical particularities. Thus it may be assumed
that Cakranegara as a colonial city of Balinese Hindu kingdom reflects in a
certain manner the concept of the planning of the ideal Hindu city and the
traditions of Hindu society. One of the
interesting fact of major significance is that the Lontar chronicle
'Nagara-kertagrama' that
describe the Majapahit Kingdom was discovered in the kraton--the royal
palace of Cakranegara. It is of no doubt that this work was referred in the
building and planning of the city of Cakranegara.
The study is based on
the fieldworks in Lombok Island conducted at four different periods as noted below:
1.
The first survey between the period 1991, Dec 6-Dec 24 (members: Toshiaki Ohji,
Tsutomu Sakamoto, Kiyonori Kanasaka, Shuji Funo, Koji Sato, Yoshihisa Wakita,
Norio Maki). Reconnaissance of the cities and settlements of the whole island.
A field survey measurement of the sacred site--Pura Meru.
2. The second survey between the period 1992,
Sep 6-Oct 3 (members: Toshiaki Ohji, Shuji Funo, Yoshihisa Wakita, Nobuaki
Matsui, Akihito Aoi, Yoshiyuki Hori, Yumi Kanki). Interview with the local
researchers related on the history of the old city. Field measurements of the
plot divisions, survey on the structure of residential quarter and residential
segregation.
3.
The third survey between the period 1993, Nov 24-Jan 20 (members: Toshiaki
Ohji, Norio Maki, Yoshihisa Wakita, Yasuzumi Yoshii, Naohiko Yamamaoto). Survey
of the plot divisions community organization, and caste structure.
4.
The fourth survey during the period 1994, May 2-May 18 (members: Shuji Funo,
Toshiaki Ohji). Detail survey of ethnicity, religion and caste of each
household.
Ⅰ
Street System and Structure of Residential Quarters
1. Cakranegara
and the cities of Lombok
1-1.
Mataram
The administrative
center of Lombok island is the city of Mataram. It is the state capital of Nusatengara
Barat and in its region includes the nearby cities of Ampenan and Cakranegara,
which are the lower administrative units known as kecamatan (kecamatan
is derived from kelurahan)8. Ampenan flourished as a port town during the
colonial period of Holland. While Mataram, C, Pagasangan and Pagutan were built
as the colonial towns of the Bali Hindu Kingdom. The other major cities are
Praya in the central region and Selong at the eastern region of Lombok. Praya
was a base of Sasaks in the revolt against the Balinese regime. Selong is
located at the strategic point at the east. It has a huge mosque at its central
district and unlike the cities of the western Lombok that have strong influence
of Bali; it exhibits a similarity with the cities of Java and other Islamic
cities of Indonesia. The locations of cities of Lombok Island are shown in Fig.
1-1.
The total population of
Mataram consisting of kecamatan Mataram (7 kelurahan), kecamatan
Ampenan (7 kelurahan) and kecamatan Cakranegara (9 kelurahn)
is 274,765 (1990)9.
This is about one third of the total population including other kecamatans
of west Lombok, which is 858, 996.
1-2.
Cakranegara
In Sanskrit, cakra
means the 'wheel of Law' or simply the wheel and 'negara' is the state10. It is clear that the name
'Cakranegara' indicates its Indian origin. The central temple of the city is
known as Pura Meru. Meru is the sacred cosmic mountain in the Hindu cosmology.
Pura Meru was constructed in 1720 at the center of the city and similarly Pura
Mayura beside the royal palace was built in 174411. It can be said that the
foundation of the city was laid down at the beginning of the 18th century.
During those periods of
colonization, the Karangasem of Bali continued to expand towards the east of
Lombok. However it failed at its quest to bring into its control the
neighboring island of Sumbawa at the east as it was already under the influence
of East India Company of Holland (VOC). However the king of Sasaks of the
indigenous people of Lombok already submitted to the Karangasem regime in the
early years of 1740's.
The Karangasem regime
became divided into a number of kingdoms in a period between the end of 18th
and 19th century. In the west Lombok Pagasangan, Pagutan, Mataram and
Cakranegara (Karangasem) separated into four by the beginning of 19th century.
The influence of the regime in the east of Lombok was considerably weakened.
At the beginning of 19th
century the regions of eastern and western Lombok developed into different
societal forms. Most of the Balinese settled in the previous four cities at the
west. Majority of the Sasaks lived in the villages at the peripheral regions of
these four cities. In addition there were palaces of Narmada, Lingsar and Gunungsari
away at the hinterlands. The region under the direct influence of Bali was
within the area of Ampenan, the most important port town at the west, the
central jungle of Jurin of Lombok at the east, the Plateau of Linjani Mountain
at the north and the region of Presak Kuripan village at the south. The eastern
part of Lombok was left under the administration of local governor.
Fig. 1-2 is a survey map
made by the land survey department of the military headquarters of Japan in
194212.
It is clear from this map that the city of Cakranegara exhibits a distinct grid
pattern in the layout of its streets.
At present there are
some sectors where this grid pattern has been lost. There now is a mosque at
the north of Pura Meru and in the areas around the mosque there are already
narrow maize of lanes that has developed into the settlement of Muslim
community. At the eastern end of the city the majority of the population is
also of Muslim community, and there are only few dwelling plots with sanga
deity at the northeast corner of dwelling plot that is characteristic of the
settlements of Bali. The greater part at the southern end is still unbuilt and
the field is utilized to grow vegetables. At the northwest sector, there is a
majority of the Hindu community and the dwelling plot is enclosed by fence. The
house form of Bali with sanga deity at the northeast corner of the plot
is a characteristic of this area.
2. The Structure
of Residential District of Cakranegara
The analysis of the residential
district of Cakranegara is based on the field survey. There are still the
remains of old walls in the housing plots of Cakranegara. These walls known as tembok
are built with adobe bricks. In order to understand the form of the city at the
early stage of its planning and construction, the sites with remains of tembok
were selected and the dimensions of the plots and the width of the streets were
measured. Fig. 1-3 shows the locations of these areas. The quarter at the
western half shows a clear grid pattern while such grid pattern is weakened at
the eastern quarter. Yet there are remains of tembok at the northeastern
part of the eastern quarter indicating its planning at the early period. The
clear width of the streets including tagtagan (see below) was measured
from wall to wall between the housing plots.
2-1.
Street System and the Divisions of the Housing Plots
While taking a walk around the city, it can be
observed that Cakranegara is built with three hierarchic levels of streets (Fig.
1-4). The streets are categorized as marga sanga, marga dasa and marga
according to their width with marga sanga being the widest13. The meaning of sanga is 914 and that of dasa is 10. Marga sanga
are those two streets that cross through the center of the city15. The two streets are exactly
oriented to the cardinal directions running north south and east west and
divide the city into four quarters. Marga dasa divides these quarters
into urban blocks while marga is the streets that run within the urban
blocks.
The measured dimensions
of marga sanga running east-west is 36.50m, and that of marga sanga
running north-south is 45.00m. There are almost no remains of tembok
along marga sanga and the dimensions were measured at the neighborhoods
of the intersection of the two streets as it is found in the present state. The
width of individual marga dasa among 12 marga dasas measured varies
from 12.86m to 21.60m. Given the disparity in the individual widths, the
average value of 17.20m is not of much significance. However, if we consider
those streets which show clear grid structure as well as have the remains of
old walls, the widths are 18.70m, 18.56m, 18.54m, 18.36m, 18.07m, 17.80m,
16.90m giving an average of 18.13m which shows a planned construction of marga
dasa. In similar manners, although there are variations in the width of marga
in the city, the widths of the marga where there are remains of old walls are
8.52m, 8.38m, 7.89m, 7.87m, 7.71m, and 7.52m. The widths are fairly consistent
with an average width of 7.98m. Thus it is seen that the three levels of
streets of Cakranegara was planned with widths of approximately 8m, 18m and 36m
(and 45m).
One important aspect in
the planning of the street system of Cakranegara is tagtagan. Tagtagan
is the green belt on either side of the streets16. It is said that the ownership of tagtagan
between the tembok and the street belongs to the king17. However, according to the
traditional custom, tagtagan belonged to the neighboring housing plot--pekarangan,
and coconut trees, sugarcane and other fruits were planted which were used for
the upacara ritual ceremonies. Thereafter, ceremonies were prohibited
within the pekarangan and beginning from 1867-68 ethnic Chinese bought
the strip of tagtagan along marga sanga and the belt was used as
the shopping space18.
Tagtagan was thus originally a ritual and ceremonial space as well as an
extension of greenery in the cityscape. But at present almost all part of tagtagan
along the marga sanga is occupied by the shops of ethnic Chinese
while there are many examples where tagtagan along marga dasa and
marga is being incorporated within the individual housing plots--pekarangan.
The variations in the widths of the streets owes to these changes in the use of
tagtagan. The measurement shows that the width of tagtagan is
11.60m in marga sanga and 4--6m in marga dasa.
The planned execution of
Cakranegara is most evident from the dimensions of pekarangan. The
number of plots measured with the remains of tembok is 112. The average
length of the plot along east-west direction is 26.43m with individual
dimensions ranging from a maximum of 30.44m to a minimum of 25.08m. The average
width along north-south direction is 24.96m with 27.03m and 21.55m the maximum
and minimum widths respectively. If we take the most frequent dimensions in
round off meter figures the plot dimension is 26m-east west and 25m-north
south.
That the dwelling plots
were a planned division was also clear from the interview with the old peoples
of the city. According to the old peoples living at the center of the city, the
planning dimension of pekarangan is 25m * 25m19. The scale used was called tomba.
Tomba is the measuring rod of about 2.5m in length. 25m are a length of
10 tomba. Tagtagan is 2 tomba of about 5m. Further inquiries
answer that one pekarangan is a square size plot of 8 are (800 sqm)20 or again 6 are (600 sqm.)21 varying according to the informants. The
measurement shows that the plot is not an exact square as it is thought by the
informants. But if the tomba is the measuring rod it makes sense in the
saying that the plot is of square shape. Anyway it is certain that a standard
dimension was fixed in making the divisions of the housing plots. According to
the above measurement data the area of the pekarangan is in average
26.43m × 24.96m = 659.69 sqm
(25m × 26m = 650 sqm) which generally
accords to the view of the informants.
Further investigation
based on the above data highlights the dimensional articulation in the planning
of the city with tomba as one of the standard measuring unit.
The urban block enclosed
by marga dasa is divided into four smaller strips of blocks
longitudinally by margas. Each strip of block is then divided in a
back-to-back manner giving 10 housing plots on either side with a total of 20
plots in the strip block. If we take the measure of tomba as 2.5m, the
width of the plot in the north-south direction is 10 tomba, which are
25m. Further, the length of the block enclosed by marga dasa will be 10
times the width of the housing plot (= 250m). The meaning of dasa in
Sasak is ten and it seems that the meaning is derived from this standard of 10
used in the measurement employed in planning the divisions of the urban blocks.
The width of the block along the east-west direction is the plot length 26m × 2 ×
4 + the width of marga 8m × 3 = 232m. If we add to this length the width of marga
dasa which is 18m, the width of the urban block measured from center to
center of marga dasa comes to be 250m. Thus it can be considered that
the planned dimension of the urban block is a square of 250m ×250m. In this module, the
north-south dimension is the inner clear dimension of the block while at the
east west is a center-to-center measurement. Anyway it is clear that a modular
system of 10 × 10 and 100 × 100 was used with tomba as
the basic unit of measurement in planning the housing plot and the urban block.
2-2
The Unit of The Residential Quarter
The observation of the
street pattern and the analysis of the planning dimensions indicate that the
block enclosed by marga dasa is the unit of residential neighborhood.
Another basis for this assumption is that the boundary of the present spatial
unit—karang22, also is defined by marga dasa. Our
inquiry to the people further clears the concept on the planning of the
residential neighborhood.
According to the elder
peoples23,
the basic neighborhood unit is made up of two groups of 10 dwelling plots each
lining face to face on either side of the marga running north-south.
This cluster of 20 plots arranged along the two sides of a marga makes
the basic unit known as marga. Two marga then make a unit called kriang.
In Bali kriang is a title for the chief of a community unit called
banjar. Further two kriang that is made of 80 dwelling plots, make the
unit of the neighborhood district known as karang. At present karang
corresponds to the unit of RW24 in Indonesian
administrative organization.
However, it is thought
that karang was one of the hierarchical units in the ritual ceremonies.
At the early phase of the building of the city a karang was an area
where inhabitants coming from the same locality of Bali settled together.
Cakranegara is said to have 33 karang during that period and there was
built a pura in each karang. Ritual ceremonies were held in each pura
by the community of karang that was again related to the Pura Meru at
the center of the city. And it is also said that there was one chief representative
in each karang25.
In Bali, there are no
settlements where there are no neighborhood districts called karang. Karang
in Balinese means the 'dwelling plot Sudra26'. According to Pigeaud27, karang is derived from kalgyans,
which is found in the sixth stanza of 76th section of 12th chapter (The
territory belonging to the palace and religious communities) of Nagara-kertagrama
discovered in the royal palace of Cakranegara. The author of Nagara-kertagrama
states, " What is not mentioned here is kalagyans (the place of the
workers) which is now spreading all the deshas (villages, territories) of Java.
In Bali the neighborhood unit is called banjar. Banjar is a community
unit and its functions are the management of the community facilities,
maintenance of security and conflict resolutions and finding solutions to the
community problems. The chief of this community is kriang banjar. At
present banjar and karang is in use among the community of Bali
in Cakranegara. However, if banjar is a unit of community organization, karang
is a geographical unit. Karang also denotes that common locality for the
inhabitants as born of the same place.
2-3
The Organization of the Residential District
The distribution of karangs of Cakranegara at present is
shown in Fig. 1-5. It is seen that the area of karang enclosed by marga dasa
is not necessarily the common pattern as stated in the above model. Rather
there are more instances where the area of karang further expands and
crosses marga dasa both in the north south and the east-west directions.
But it is clear that karang consists of the units called kriang,
which is within the area enclosed by the marga dasa. Alternatively, it
can be said that the areas where the organization of marga and kriang
are not clear or are lost, were outside the initial planning or have undergone
great changes during the later periods.
Summary
a.
Cakranegara has three hierarchic levels in its street pattern--marga sanga,
marga dasa and marga. The urban block and the residential districts
are divided by the grid layout pattern of these streets.
b.
The individual blocks are divided following a system of planned dimensions. The
dwelling plots and the urban blocks are arranged according to the standard
measuring unit known as tomba (2.5m).
c.
The conceptual planning of the residential district consists of 20 dwellings
for a marga unit; 40 dwellings for a kriang and 80 dwellings for
a karang.
d.
In the east-west direction run marga dasa of 18m widths at an interval
of 250m and the marga sanga is 36m, two times the width of marg dasa.
Ⅱ STREET
PATTERN AND BLOCK SYSTEM
Cakranegara
was built as a colonial city of Karangasem kingdom in Bali in 18th century. Pura
Meru, the central biggest and impressive Hindu temple, dedicated to Brahumana,
Vishunu and Siva, was built in 1720 by the king of Karangasem, Agung Made
Ngurah, to unite all the Balinese small kingdoms in Lombok. Enclosing three
towers, there stand 33 small shrines in the temple precinct. The name of each
small shrine is derived from the name of karang (neighborhood unit),
which has been maintaining the building. We can consider that the distribution
of temples (puras) indicate the original area of the city. This paper
clarifies the distribution of karangs and the area planned at the
initial phase of the construction of Cakranegara.
This
part of the paper will analyze the distribution of religious facilities and the
organization of neighborhoods. The largest unit of the community organization
in Cakranegara is called karang and the karang is also a community
unit in relation to the ritual ceremonies of Pura Meru. We intend to discuss
the following four aspects in relation to the community organization of
Cakranagara:
1) A historical account on the
relationship between Lombok and the Karangasem of Bali that constructed the
city of Cakranegara;
2) The relationship of the neighborhood
community organization with respect to the ritual community related to the
central temple Pura Meru;
3) The process of formation of the
community organization and its relevance with the place names of Bali and karang;
and
4) Identification of the area planned at
the initial phase of the construction of C from the conclusion drawn from the
above 3 aspects related to the history of the Cakranagara community.
1. Historical Relationship
of Cakranagara with the Karangasem of Bali28
A
political and economical history on the control of Lombok by Bali is given by
Alfons van der Kraan29. We here will mention those aspects pertinent
to the relationship of Cakranegara and the Karangasem of Bali. In the first
quarter of 17th century, Balinese were gaining political control in some of the
regions of west Lombok. During the same period Makkasars from Sumbawa crossing
the Alas strait had come to control the east Lomobk. During 17th century Lombok
Island has been a battlefield in the conflicts between the Karangasem of Bali
and the Makkasars loyal to Sumbawa. The battle finally yielded to Karangasem of
Bali. However, later from the second half of 17th century to 19th century there
were frequent conflicts between the Sasaks, the indigenous people of Lombo who
were Muslims, and Bali. According to Kraan, the protracted conflict between
Sasaks and Bali can be divided into four phases:
The
first phase is a period between 1678-1740 when Balinese continued to expand
forward towards the east. Bali marched east up to Sumbawa but failed in gaining
the control. Bali succeeded to rule Lombok and all the regions of Sasaks were
in its effective political control. The Lombok chronicle assigns the defeat of Sasaks
to the mutual distrust of its aristocracy.
The
second phase covers the regime of Gusti Wayan Tegah from 1740 to 1775. In this
period, Balinese control in Lombok was strengthened and there were no uprisings
of Sasaks against Balinese, and got almost no opportunity for their
independence. This is the period that laid the groundwork for the control of
Lombok Island by the Balinese. While the temple of Pura Meru was built in 1720,
Pura Mayura was built in 1744. Most of the other temples of Cakranegara were
also built during this time. It is thought that the basic structure of
Cakranegara was laid out by the first half of the 18th century.
The
third period is from 1775 to 1838 when the Karangasem regime disintegrated.
Conflicts ensued among the rival factions of Balinese following the death of
Gusti Wayan Tegah. The division in the palace finally brought the division of
the kingdom by the first decade of 1800 and there were four rival kingdoms in
west Lombok by the beginning of the 19th century. The main kingdoms were
Cakranegara (so called Karangasem-Lombok), Mataram, Pagasangan, and Pagutan. In
this period the control of Bali in east Lombok was weak and the Sasaks seizing
this opportunity succeded to get independence. Fig. 2-1 shows the locations of
the cities of Pagutan, Mataram, Pagasangan and Cakranegara.
The
fourth period is from 1838 to 1849 during which Bali Karangasem was again
reunited30. At the beginning there occured battle between
Cakranegara and Mataram. Mataram won the battle and then united the four-seperate
kingdoms. Immediately following the unification the sovereign Rado Agun II of
Mataram of Karangasem kingdom march forward to the east Lombok finally leading
the island towards unification with Karangasem31.
2. Ritual
Facilities of Cakranegara
2-1 Lombok and Pura
Although
there is a dominance of Muslim population in Lombok Island, puras may be
found in all the places of west Lombok (Fig. 2-2). In Bali pura indicates
a Hindu shrine, while in Lombok there are shrines sacred both to Hindu and Muslims
and are known as pura Lingsar. The deity who is the object of devotion
to both the religious community is called Kumarik. The puras of
west Lombok including pura Lingsar are laid in such a way as to orient
towards the holy mountain of Linjani32. The laying out of Pura Meru
is considered to have great significance even in the selection of the site for
building Cakranegara.
Pura
Meru is at the center of Cakranegara (Fig. 2-5). As Meru symbolizes the cosmic
mountain and the center of the cosmos, it is the biggest pura among all
the puras of Lombok. The temple is located along the major street
running east west and is encircled by high red burnt brick masonry wall. As it
has been noted earlier, the pura was built by the king of Kanrangasem of
Bali, Agung Made Ngurah as a symbol of unity of all the kingdoms of Lombok.
Cakranegara
has pura dalem (the temple of death) and at the west end and pura sveta
at the east end. A set of three temples--pura dalem, pura desa and pura
puseh--known as kayangan tiga is one definite characteristic that
can be found in all the settlements of Bali. However, in South Bali, the kayangan
tiga, in principle, is laid at the north and south of the settlement. In
the case of Cakranegara, this is laid in the east and west of the city. The
holy mountain of Rinjani lies at the northeast of Cakranegara and this is one
important aspect that draws the attention in the organization of the whole
city.
Pura
Meru is dedicated to the Hindu trinity of gods--Brahmana (Bramha), Vishunu
(Visnu) and Siva. The temple precinct from east to west is divided into three
sectors and is known as Swah (the heaven, called Jero Pure or Jeroan in
Lombok), Bwah (the world, called Jabe Tengah), and Bhur (the nether world,
called Jabayan in west and Jabe Pesan in east Lombok) (Fig. 2-3). This
organization of Pura Meru symbolically represents the concept of the three
worlds in the Hindu religion.
There
is a gate at the north side of the precinct of Bhur and at its northwest corner
is located a bell tower built with round lumber, and is known as bale kulkul.
The precinct is divided into two areas with a level difference. The eastern
part is on a higher level and is called Jabe Pesan while the west is Jabayan.
There is a bringin33 tree at the middle of Jabayan. The gate
is in the typical form of candi bentar with multiple divisions that can
be found in the puras of Bali.
In the central precinct of Bwah, there
are two buildings--Bale Gong Kembar and Bale Panggungan, and bringin
trees with a way in the middle for the devotees. In Bali these buildings are
for the purpose of preparations in the festival and for the playing of gamran
devotional music.
In
Swah, the eastern precinct of Pura Meru, there are numerous towers and shrines
dedicated to various deities. Among them the central tower is 11-storied high
and is dedicated to Siva. The roof of the temple is covered with arang-arang
while the structure is built from a kind of jack wood called nunka34
The structure of the tower is like a layer of boxes arranged one above the other
(Fig. 2-4). The tower at the north is dedicated to Vishunu and is nine stories
high while the 7-storied tower at the south is dedicated to Brahmana. Both of
these towers are covered with roofing tiles.
In
addition, at the northeast corner there is a small tower built of stone
dedicated to a male deity, Sambhu. Similiarly, there are three other small
towers in stone in front of the main towers and are dedicated to Rinjani
mountain, a mail deity Ungerurah and Sanga-Agun (the principle shrine) located
respectively from north to south. Again there are 13 shrines at the north and
16 at the east lining in such a manner so as to encircle the three main temple
towers of the precinct. These 29 shrines are built of wood and deity of each karang
(sanga) is enshrined here with the name of the respective karang
inscribed in each shrine.
According to the keepers of the Pura,
the three main temples and 33 shrines are maintained and looked after by 33 karangs
which includes Cakranegara with the villages located at its sub urban
periphery. The list of these 33 karangs is given in Table 2-1.
There
are instances that the number of shrines and the karangs do not always
have strict correspondence. For instance, Bj Mantri of No. 11 and Kr Aron Aron
of No. 30 are in reality the same karang. Likewise, Bj Pande (north) and
Bj Pande Selatan (south) were later divided from a single karang of
early period. Also it is found that the karang Sempalan of No. 13 looks
after both shrines. The exact relationship in the number of karang and
the shrines that were built at the early period of foundation is not clear.
The
number 33, which is the number of shrines, has its significance in that it
represents the number of constellations in the southern sky. The number is also
symbolic of 33 gods residing in the cosmic mountain, Meru. It was also a mark
in the appointment of government officials, such as those in the regime of Javi
Pegu of Kaming dynasty of Burma. Another significant aspect is that there is 33
fountains built in the Pura Mayura that lies at the north side of the major
east-west street.
Although,
in the case of Cakranegara, the exact reason on the use of number 33 is not yet
clear, but the number bears similar symbolic significance in both the Hindu and
Buddhist religions. Since there are numerous mountains in Java bearing the
symbolism of Mount Meru, it is only natural to think that such cosmology is
reflected in certain manner in Cakranegara. At least since Pura Meru is the
center of religious belief of the city, it can be concluded that the small
shrines built in Swah symbolises the unity of the community of Cakranegara.
2-2. Pura and Karang
In
general, each karang of Cakranegara has its respective pura. The
location of pura and karang of the city are shown in Fig. 2-5.
Although there are karangs either without such standard structural
relationship with pura or even without it, yet it is still possible to
discern a basic pattern in the organization of karang with pura
as its community center. Among 33 karangs related to Pura Meru, eight
are found to be located in the district of Kederi at the southern suburb of the
city.
A
comparison between the present name of the karangs and those inscribed
in the three major temples and 33 shrines indicates certain changes that did
occur in the intervening historical periods. One of them is the community with
shrines in Pura Meru but which has since disappeared and the karang
itself in no more in existence. The second is that there is both the existence
of the shrine in Pura Meru and the corresponding karang, but there is no
pura in the karang itself. It thus indicates that there have
occurred changes in the constitution of karangs. However, the greater
numbers of karangs are still in existence and have been there from the
initial stage of their establishment in 18th century. This part of the history
was explained to us in an inquiry made to the grandson of the king of
Karangasem.
3. The Process of
Formation of Karang
Cakranegara
was built as a colonial city in the first half of 18th century by the king of
Karangsem of Bali. We have been told that each karang of the city was
called after the name of the settlement of origin in Bali and that the original
inhabitants of each karang came from that settlement. A map of Bali
Island drawn by the survey department of the Japanese Cavalry in 1943 was
checked in order to confirm this relationship of community structure of
Cakranegara35. The area that has been checked is shown in Fig. 2-6.
It is found that 15 karangs of Cakranegara have the same name with the
settlement of Karangasem prefecture of Bali. One is found in Buleleng, and with
yet another one is bearing the name of the Buleleng prefecture itself. The
seventeen karangs thus confirmed shows that karangs of
Cakranegara were, in general, named after the settlements of Bali. It is a
general phenomenon in the colonial towns that a migrating colonizing community
plants the name of its place of origin to the soil of the new settlement. Our
inquiry to the inhabitants of the city also suggests that there is still strong
memory of the inhabitants to relate themselves with the villages and
settlements of Bali, an additional support that the karangs of
Cakranegara were settled by the peoples coming from the same villages of Bali.
4. The Process of
Development and The Initial Planned Area
Among the 17 karangs whose names were verified from the
settlements of Bali, 12 have their shrines in Pura Meru. It may be said that at
least, these 12 karangs were planned and settled at the initial phase of
the development of Chakranegara. Most of these karangs are found to be
concentrated on the western sector of the city. This along with the fact that
the western sector has streets of regular grid pattern suggests that the city
was first developed along the western sector. Fig. 2-7 shows the areas that are
named after the settlements in Bali and the areas that have their respective puras
in their karang, and the shrines built in Pura Meru. In addition to the
planned clusters at the western sector, there is one karang--No. 20 (Kr.
Abiantubuh Selatan)-- at the southern tip of the city, which has similar block
division pattern as in the central areas. Similarly, there is No. 21 (Kr. Jero)
in the north and No. 23 (Sweta) in the east. Cakranegara did suffer severe
damage in its war with Holland, and thus, there are some difficulties in making
definite statements on the original planning concept by analyzing the existing
structure of the city. Yet it would be reasonable to consider that the areas
that have puras and respective shrines in Pura Meru broadly indicate that area
of Cakranegara that was planned at its initial stage of development.
Summary
Cakranegara
planned in a regular gridiron pattern was built as a ceremonial city with Pura
Meru as its ritual center. Following characteristics of the planning of
Cakranegara can be outlined from the shrines dedicated to various Hindu deities
in Pura Meru and the distribution pattern of the karangs that maintain
these shrines:
a. The residential districts of
Cakranegara were organized into karangs, and as ritual communities of
the central temple, Pura Meru, of the city.
b. Karang represents the
socio-spatial organization of Home communities of Bali in Cakranegara.
c. The area of development at the initial
phase of the construction of Cakranegara can be inferred from the distribution
of karangs that maintain the temple towers and shrines. However, it
should be noted that this tradition did continue to cover the wider area of kecematan
Cakranegara. It is especially apparent from the areas that are at the
extended tips at the south, east and north of the city, which have puras
in karangs and the respective shrines represented in Pura Meru.
d. The fact that the original settlers of
Cakranegara came from Bali and that the name of the karangs of the city
inscribed in Pura Meru were derived after the names of respective settlement
and villages (banjar) that they came from enables us to broadly outline
area of initial development of the city. While the western sector of
Cakranegara was developed at the beginning phase, it is also thought that the
northern part of the city was included in the initial planning.
We
intend to analyze, in the next paper, (1) the residential segregation between
the Hindu and Muslims, and among the casts of Hindu community and (2) the
general planning concepts and principles in the building of Cakranegara by
comparing our analysis with the royal capital as described in Nagara-kertagrama,
the chronicle of Majpahit kingdom of 14th century, and found in the palace of
Cakranegara.
Ⅲ CHARACTERISTICS
OF HABITAT SEGREGATION
We
consider that Cakranegara was constructed based on the idea of Bali Hindu City.
This part clarifies the characteristics of habitat segregation among Muslims,
Chinese and Balinese. The segregation of living according to caste among the
Balinese is also clarified. The structure of segregation pattern in Cakranegara
is clear. The basic structure is as follows: (1) Balinese live in the central
parts while Muslims live at the periphery of the city. The housing lot and the
street pattern are completely different between the areas of Balinese and those
of Muslims. (2) Each community unit, known as karang, has a pura,
a Hindu temple or a Masjid. (3) Chinese are scattered in all the areas of
Cakranegara. Chinese basically work in the commercial sector. (4) Balinese make
segregation in the living area according to the caste hierarchy. Brahmana live
in the north and eastern part of the city. Ksatriya are in the west while Gusti
live in the south. People related to the royal family live in the vicinity of
the place where previously the palace was located.
This
part will make a study of the principles of the structure of residential
quarters by analyzing the settlement segregation patterns in the living
quarters of the city of Cakranegara in the island of Lombok, Indonesia. The
term 'segregation', as used in this paper, implies the separation of living
areas of the various communities as identified in terms of religion, ethnicity
and caste.
It
is thought that the city of Cakranegara, built in a regular grid pattern, as a
colonial town by the Karangasem kingdom of Bali in the first half of 18th
century was constructed according to certain ideals of the Hindu city planning
principles. The first part of this research, using the survey measurement data
on the street pattern and the plot divisions demonstrated that the city was a
planned construction based on a standard module of measurement. The second part
analyzed the central temple of Cakranaegara, Pura Meru36. The study
of the organization of shrines within the temple complex, their maintenance and
their respective communities shows that the shrines were built by the
inhabitants of Cakranegara who were regional communities migrated from certain
regions, known as karang, of Bali.
Here,
we will first give a general outline of the segregation of living quarters
between the Muslims and the Hindu community and then make an analysis of the
characteristics of the segregation among the various castes within the Hindu
community. With respect to the study of segregation, a general survey on the
pattern of land divisions and the segregation of living quarters was conducted
covering the whole area of kecamatan Cakranegara. In particular
interview records on the religion and ethnicity of the inhabitant of each plot
surveyed were noted. The castes among the Hindu communities were noted by
enquiring the name and surname of the inhabitants. The results are shown in
Fig. 3-2, 3 and Fig. 3-5 to Fig.3-8, which show the segregation pattern as
delineated in the units of residential plots.
1. Inhabitants of
Lombok Island
1-1. Ethnicity in the Lombok Island
The
indigenous people of Lombok Island are Sasaks and occupy nearly 90% of the
population of the island37. Following the adaptation of Islamic
religion in Lombok, Sasaks have been divided into 3 community groups--Bodha,
Waktu Telu and Waktu Lima. Bodhas who continued their local religion are no
more in the scene while there is still a differentiation between Waktu Telu
(also known as Waktu Tiga38) and Waktu Lima. Waktu Telu are those
who accepted the Islamic rule but did not change their religion while Waktu
Lima are those who changed their religion as well.
In
the rest of the population of the island, Balinese constitute the major
community group. Balinese have continued their Hindu life style and made a
strong cultural influence in the Sasak community. Almost all of the Balinese
population is concentrated in the Western Lombok with Cakranegara as the
center, and most of them preserve memory of their relationship with the
ancestral place--the karang and the Karangasem of Bali. The animosity
created by the historical encounters39 of Sasaks with Bali, and the
conflict with the Hindu and Islamic religions continues to be a problem up to
modern times.
Other
communities of minority are Chinese, Javanese, Arabian, Maccasar (Bugis),
Sumbawa and others. In the harbor town of Anpenan, there are still special
localities of these communities with names such as Arab kampong, Bugis kampong
and Malay kampong, etc.
The
Makkasars engage in fishing and its trade, and their peculiar dwellings raised
in timber stilt can be found distributed in the small isles and at the coastal
lines. Most of these settlements are the developments of recent times.
Most
of the inhabitants of Chinese origin came from Canton and play vital role in
the island. At the beginning, Chinese are said to have come with the Dutch in
the island as cheap laborers. Later they became an important economic force in
the island. At present, they are concentrated in Ampenan and Cakranegara, the
two commercial centers of the West Lombok. Until 1966, there was a Chinese
settlement district in the harbor town of Labuhan Haji in East Lombok. But
following the September 30 incident in 1965, the hatred among the orthodox Muslims
against the ethnic Chinese grew to such an extent that all the houses of the
Chinese people were burnt down. Following this incident, all the Chinese moved
to the suburban areas of Ampenan with a result that Labuhan Haji stopped to
function as a harbor. The crucial economic position the Chinese held in Lombok
is demonstrated by this historical event.
The
Javanese are mainly engaged in the government bodies and military organs. The
Arabians hold special role in the religious life of Lombok. Known as the
children of Mohammed, they perform priestly roles and receive special privilege
in the religious matters. They live in an area called Arab kampung,
separate from other communities. They conduct marriage within their own
community and, in commerce; Arabs have a rival relationship with the Chinese.
The
1990 census of Indonesian government states the population of Lombok island as
2, 403,025. Within it, the population of West Lombok is 858,996, Central Lombok
is 678, 746, and East Lombok is 865, 283. Although the exact population of the
island at the end of 19th century is not known, according to the data estimated
during those periods by Willemstijn40 of Holland, the total
population of the island was 656,000 (Sasaks--600, 000, Balinese--50, 000,
others including Bugis, Madura, Arabs, and Chinese--6000). However, Ten Have41
in 1894 gives the population to be 405, 000 (Sasaks--380, 000, Balinese--20,
000, Bugis and Chinese--5000). A. v. d. Kraan42 suggests a medium
population of the above two reports giving a total population of the island to
be 530, 000 (Sasaks--490, 000, Balinese-- 35,000 and others--5000).
The
census data of the early 1920's records a total population of 617, 781. Half a
century later, the census of 1971 gives the population as 1, 581,193 (348, 099
households with 4.5 members per households). The population according to the
administrative zones is--West Lombok, 509,812; Central Lombok, 476, 986; East
Lombok, 594, 595. In this census, 94% are Sasaks, the rest 6% include Balinese,
Sumbawa, Makkasar, Chinese, Javanese and Arabs. The regional distribution of
the ethnic population is given in Table 3-1. It is evident that Balinese are
concentrated in the west while Sumbawa and Makkasars are in the East Lombok.
1-2. The Social Structure of Lombok
Island43
A
general introduction of the social structure is considered as a prelude to
understand the survey analysis of the structure of the city of Cakranegara to
be followed.
In
the later half of 19th century, the Balinese King and the ruling elite known as
Triwangsa44 were the
powerful class of Lombok. The beaurocracy of administration--baudanda,
the court of justice--pedanda and the custom and tax supevisory body--sedahan,
all was within the hand of the class belonging to Triwangsa. The supreme
head of Sasaks--punggawa, was only acting as a village head or the tax
collector for the chief district officer who was a Balinese.
The
rule of the Balinese in Lombok was somewhat different in the East Lombok.
Balinese have firmly consolidated themselves in West Lombok and since there
were no Sasak kingdoms in the region, there was a relatively amicable
relationship between the ruling Balinese and the Sasaks. The Sasak peasants
belonged to Waktu Telu and participated in the religious rituals with Balinese
in the same temples and shrines. In addition, there were occasional
intermarriages between the two communities. The two communities were also
involved in the same irrigation network and organization, called subak,
for the rice cultivation. It means that there was a process of social and
economic integration in the West Lombok between Sasaks and the Balinese.
However,
in the East Lombok, although the Balinese rule was established in 1840's, there
was a general dissatisfaction among the aristocratic class of Sasaks, and their
relationship with the Triwangsa class was not peaceful. The aristocratic
Purawangsa belonged to Waktu Lima and there continued bitter religious
struggles with the Balinese. The Sasak peasants, on the other hand, did have
strong cultural bond with the Purwangsas as their leaders. But East
Lombok was also firmly in the hand of the Balinese rule and it is thought that
during those times, there were around 50 pungawas with puri as
the center in the hands of Balinese authorities.
The
agricultural fields were, in general, divided into two kinds. One is the land,
known as druwe dalem, directly belonging to the king and the
other was druwe jabe, which belonged to the people other than the
palace.
Druwe
dalem was divided into three different types of land-- (1) the land
given to the peasants in return to their annual labor and tax in kind. This
kind of land, called pengayah, could not be sold. (3) The third type of
the land called wakap exacted both the tax and the labor. These lands
were to support the religious institutions such as temples and mosques, and
could not be sold.
Druwe
jabe was also divided into two kinds of land. (1) druwe jabe
Bali was the land belonging to the noble families related to the royalty. The
king did not collect the tax and revenue from these land but the nobles
themselves collected the tax for their own purpose. (2) druwe jabe Sasak
belonged to the noble families of Sasaks but other regulations pertaining to
this kind of land was same as to druwe jabe Bali.
In
the second half of the 19th century there existed two pyramids in the social
structure of Lombok. The first, there was the Balinese king at the top followed
by the Triwangsha class with Balinese peasants at the base of the
pyramid. The next pyramid had the Balinese king at the top with Sasak noble
families below and supported by the Sasak peasantry. The position of the
Balinese pyramid was relatively high in the hierarchical status of the society
of Lombok.
2. The Inhabitant
Structure of Cakranegara
The
population of kechematan Cakranegara is around 74,000 (1990). The
population structure by kerurahan, according to religious belief, within
the kechematan divided by the grid structure of the city shows that the
majority of the inhabitants in the four sectors, viz., West Cakranegara
(Cakranegara Barat), East Cakranegara (Cakranegara Timur), North Cakranegara
(Cakranegara Utara), South Cakranegara (Cakranegara Selatan), are Hindus. Hindu
population is in the majority in more than 80% of the karangs in West
and East Cakranegara, while it is more than 55% in the North and South
Cakranegara (Fig. 3-1, Table 3-2).
In
particular, there is an evident characteristic in the distribution of Muslim
population. Muslims live at the peripheral area of the city (Fig 3-2). In the
western sector, the quarters of Muslims run at the border of the city blocks
enclosed by marga. One kriang at the west of Bj. Pande Utara and
another at the west of Bj. Pande Selatan are inhabited by Muslim communities.
The area at the north of Kr. Sampalan is thought to have been developed as a
Muslim settlement in later times. In the south, Muslims are found at the
periphery of Kr. Abiantubuh. Kriang Getap is known for iron works and is
settled by Muslims of lower income group. In the east, Desa Seganten can be
divided into four kriangs that are all settled by Muslims. The breakdown
of the regular grid pattern more apparent in this eastern part of the city area
is explained by this distribution of the Muslim settlement. In the north,
Muslim is, in similar manner, settled in the peripheral zone. It is seen that
the Hindu population of the city is surrounded by the communities of Muslims
residing at the periphery. Muslims are found at the central area of the city
only in certain part of the kampung Java and karang Bedil.
The
ethnic Chinese are settled in all the areas of the city but their major
concentration is found in two areas--one in the adjacent belts of the city
central areas and next is along the belts of the major streets. In the central
areas line up money shops are managed by Chinese. Most of Chinese of
Cakranegara are primarily involved in the commercial sectors.
3. The Structure
of the Residential Quarter and The Distribution of Facilities
Although
karangs in an urban block is one unit of residential quarter with around
20 households, it has various forms with instances where a karang even
crosses the major street--marga dasa. There is certain pattern in the
distribution of urban facilities such as mosques, puras and shops, and
the structure of karangs. The distribution of mosques and puras
are related to the distribution pattern of the Muslim and Hindu communities.
Mosques are located in the settlement areas of Muslims. In addition, there are
3 mosques built at the central part of the city. There are also 3 Christian
churches, and Buddhist temples of the Chinese communities.
Market centers called pasar, selling
foods, fresh fish and vegetables and other daily necessities are evenly
distributed with one at the center and 4 others located at the north, east,
south and the west sectors of the city. Other commercial shops are concentrated
along the major street--marga sanga. Schools are located in each
residential sector with one for several karangs.
4. The Structure
of Segregation
4-1 The Hindu and The Muslim
Settlement Areas
There
are differences in the spatial structure of the Hindu and Muslim settlement
areas45. In contrast to the regular grid pattern of the settlement
areas of Hindu community, the areas inhabited by the Muslims have no such
regularities in the street pattern and appear to be haphazard. The streets
become zigzag and get narrow and finally end to a cul-de-sac. Accordingly the
dwellings also face in all directions. The residential density is high and
number of households in a neighborhood unit also differs considerably.
In
the Hindu community quarters, although the structure of residential plots is
not the same as the typical form of the Bali Majapahit, but all the plots have
their sanga--the deity of the dwelling plot, at the northeast corner of
the plot. In the recent times, the original plots have been divided or merged
thus changing the original structure.
In
some of the Muslim areas, the divisions of the residential units were in
regular grid as it is in karang Seraya. It is because, in the northern part,
there are plots of Hindu community inhabitants divided in regular grids. But
this pattern was changed to a great extent by the new pattern of narrow lanes
and the construction of houses along these lanes. There are also many lanes
with dead ends. There is a distinct contrast between the areas where individual
houses are built to form a cluster within an enclosed quarter, and where houses
are built along with the extending of the street.
4-2. The Distribution of the Caste
In
Cakranegara, as in India, there is a caste, the waruna system, with four
hierarchical levels--Brahmana, Ksatriya, Wesya, and Sudra. In the Brahman
community, the men are called Ida Bagus and the woman Ida Ayu or Dayu. The
offspring from the intercaste marriage, where the mother is of lower caste than
the father, is not a Gusti but Gusti Bagus (the female offspring is called Ida
Made or Ida Putu). Although the categories among the Ksatriyas is a complex
matter, but, in general, they have titles such as Prdewa, Pengakan, Bagus and
Prasangiang. Titles like Dewa Agung,
Cokorda, and Anak Agung are also found in history. Almost all the Vaisyas are
called Gusti. Sudras, as they constitute about more than half of the Hindu
population, are known as Bali biasa (the common Balinese) or Jaba46
In India, in accordance with Manasara, it is a basic pattern to find Brahmanas
at the north, Ksatriyas at the east, Vaisyas at the south and the Sudras at the
west of the settlement.
In
Cakranegara, Brahmana communities are found more concentrated at the north of
the city. There are also Brahmans in the east and at the northeast of the block
at southern tip of the city and at the central part of the western sector. It
is of significance that the greater concentration is at the northern sector. At
the northeast direction of Cakranegara, there is the holy mountain Rinjani, and
it can be said that the location of the mountain was in the consciousness of
the planning, as it is clear from the orientation of puras around the
city of Cakranegara, which take into account the direction of the holy
mountain. It is also of relevance that sanga deity of each dwelling plot
is enshrined at the northeast corner of the plot. This structure of orientation
reflects the Bali Hindu idea of orientation than the Indian concept as such.
Ksatriyas
and Vaisyas, although are a distinct concept, the differentiation in social
practice among the inhabitants is not so clear. In particular, it is more
ambiguous among the Vaisyas. If Gusti is to be considered as Vaisyas, their
distribution is even in all the areas with a greater proportion in the east.
While those who consider themselves Ksatriyas are distributed more at the west
of the city. Families related to the royal court such as Agun, Ratu, and
families with titles Cokorda, Dewa, which are few in number, are located around
the vicinity of the royal palace at the east. The areas of major concentration
of Ksatriya in the west and Gusti in the east are as shown in Fig. 3-7 and Fig.
3-8. If Gusti is considered as Vaisya, the distribution indicates clear pattern
in the segregation of settlement according to caste structure.
Sudras,
the Bali biasas, are distributed in all the areas of the city. At the initial
phase of the settlement as has been shown in the previous paper (part 2), they
were settled in the karangs of the communities related to the original
ancestral place of habitation in Bali.
Summary
The
characteristics of segregation pattern in the settlement quarters of
Cakranegara, as described above can be summarized as follows:
a. The Hindu population occupies the
central areas of the city while Muslims are settled at the periphery. The
difference in the pattern of streets and the residential plots between the two
areas is distinct.
b. There are puras and mosques in
each karangs, as well as a mosque at the center of the city.
c. Ethnic Chinese are settled in all the
areas of the city. They are mainly involved in the commercial sector and are
more concentrated along the major streets of the city.
d. There has been segregation in the
living areas according to the caste system within the Hindu community.
e. Brahmanas, as the priest class in the
Hindu community, live at the northern and eastern part of the city.
f. Among the several categories of
Ksatriya, the major concentration is at the west, while Gusti is more
concentrated at the eastern sector.
g. The families of Agun, Ratu and others
related to the royal family live in the vicinity of the palace.
Now, we have got some materials to discuss the
space formation of capital of Majapahit Kingdom described in
Nagara-Kertagama. In the next paper we
intend to analyze Nagara-Kertagama to make further studies on the planning
concept of Cakranegara and compare the characteristics of settlement planning
with other Indian cities, in particular with the city of Jaipur, which was
planned and constructed during the same period.
Acknowledgement
This
research work was conducted with the financial assistance of Housing Research
Foundation (no. 9102). We received the guidance from T. Ohji (Southeast Asia Research
Center, Kyoto University) as a collaborator in the research. We express our
sincere thanks to all of them.
End Notes
1. The climate, wildlife and vegetation
changes at the east and west by the Wallace line. Bali has the marine climate
of the east Pacific while Lombok Island belongs to the Australian climatic
zone.
2.
Nagara-Kertagrama is an ancient chronicle on the
Majapahit kingdom of Java of 14th century written in coconut
leaf and is preserved in Leiden University Library. It was discovered. It is
significant that J. Brandes, a linguist, discovered the chronicle in the palace
of Cakranegara in Nov. 18, 1894. . Pigeaud, Th.
G. (1960) has given the translation and explanation of this work in 5 volumes. Th. G.
Piegeaud, "Java in Fourteenth Century" vol. 1-5, The Hague.
3. Studies on the cities, settlements and
house form have been done by Funo Shuji (1992, 1994) and Yoshihisa Wakita
(1995).
4. Following Ref2-9 are the notable works
on Cakranegara: These works are on the history and geography of Cakranegara and
do not describe the spatial structure of the city.
5. See "A comparative approach on the
integrated study of Islamic urbanism"--The Key Regions Research Program of
Ministry of Education (1988-1991).
6. See Kautirlya, Utilitarianism--The Kingship
in Ancient India (Uemura Katsuhiko Iwanami Bunko, 1984). This work was the
basis in the reconstruction of the ancient city by P. V. Begde and W. Kirk.
However, T. Ohji has proposed an explanation based on the concept of Mandala
(1990).
7. Ancient
Indian classic of Architecture. Silpasastra is the general science on the art
of city planning, architecture, art and sculpture and collectively denotes the
Sanskrit literature on these fields. The most complete work on Silpasastra is
Manasara while other 9 works are Mayamata, Casyapa, Vayghanasa, Schaladhicara,
Viswacarmiya, Sanatkumar, Saraswatyam, and Pancatantram. The author of Mayamata is said to be Maya.
Maya is considered to have edited the astronomical work Suryasiddhanta. The
contents of Mayamata do not differ much from Manasara. Casyapa is the name of
the author himself. But he, according to the mythology, is a legendary ancestor
said to be the first of the seven seers who escaped the great flood and thus is
a mythical personality. Vayghanasa is also the author's name and is the founder
of Vainava priesthood. The content of the book are more religious in nature
than architecture itself. Schaladhikara is said to be authored by Agastya. This
work is unique in some of its content and is an excellent work on Sculpture.
Other works are not much different from Manasara.Viswacarmiya is based on
Mayamata and is close to Manasara in its description. Sanatkumar is based on
Viswacarmiya and is within the tradition of Manasara. Accordingly, Manasara has
been the most referred work in Silpasastra. In the work titled Manasara
Silpasastra, 'mana' means the measurement and 'sara' is the essence. Thus
'manasara' is the essence of measurement. But Manasara being the title of the
work is also said to have been named after its author. Again, 'silpa' means the
code and 'sastra' is the science; 'vastu' is architecture and 'vastusastra' is
the science of architecture. Thus Manasara should have properly been called
Manasara Vastusastra. According to P. K. Acharya Manasara was completed during
the period 6th and 7th century in South India. Murata Jitaro however considers
that the work was a recension of recent centuries when considering its
descriptions of architectural forms.
Another work in Sanskrit giving a detail
account on the constitution of the city is Arthasastra. Its expositions on the
ideal form of the capital city are plainly stated. Arthasastra is a work
arguing for the prosperity of a nation. The author is said to have been the
prime minister of the famed Chandragupta I of Maurya dyanasty during 4th
century BC. and is thought to be the Kautilya--the ancient hero. This work was
edited during a period between 2nd century BC. and 2nd century AD.
There are a number of research
publications on Manasara. Among them, the works of P. K. Acharya is considered
to be encyclopedic. See P. K. Acharya (1934).
8. The administrative organization of
Indonesia is in the following hierarchic order: the lowest basic neighborhood
community unit RT (Rukun Tetanga with 30 to 100 households), RW (Rukun Warga,
the neighborhood association), kerulahan (ward) and kechamatan
(district).
9. Tim Departmen Dalam Negari (1977)
10.In the esoteric Indian concept on the
psychic energy of the human body the energy is concentrated on, and channalised
from the nodes located at certain stations of Susumna nadi--the spinal chord of
the body. These nodes are known as cakra.
11. Arumugam, S. (1990), Departmen
Pendidikan dan kebudayan (1990).
12. The map produced by the land survey
department of the headquarter of the Japanese cavalry force (1942, Jan). The
map is considered to have been based on the work done by Holland. There are 6
sheets of map that link from Ampenan to Cakranagara.
13. Informations from Ide Bagus Alit, a
senior (Pengusap) of Cakranegara. Marga means street and is a Sanskrit word.
Marga is used for street and as a community unit also in the city of Jaipur in
India.
14. In Bali, there exists a concept known
as nawa sanga regarding spatial orientation, which is a system of 4 cardinal
and 4 intermediate directions with the center.
15. The street running north south is
called JL. SLI Jasanudin, and that running east west is called JL. Selaparang.
Cakranegara is situated at latitude of 8 degree south of the equator and
setting of the sun was observed with the course of the sun along the path of
the east-west street during the time of our field survey in the month of
September.
16.
Tagtag in Balinese means the standard of level or height.
17. Information from Ide Bagus Alit who
worked as the head carpenter.
18. Information from the ex-priest P.
Jelantic.
19. Information from the ex-priest Lala
Lukman.
20. Ibid. note 17.
21. Ibid. note 18.
22. At present, karang
corresponds with the RW, a unit in the administrative organization of
Indonesia. 23 Ibid. note 19.
24. Ibid note 8.
25. The personal inquiry to the old
peoples and relevant literatures indicate that karang was a community
unit in the ritual ceremonies of Cakranegara.
26. Yoshida, Teigo (1992), p 54.
27. Pigeaud, Th. G. (1960).
28.
The history of Lombk Island before the invasion of Karangasem of Bali, in
brief, is as follows:
The Javaisation: There are not yet
direct evidences to prove the control of Lombok by Java kingdom, but the Nagara-kertagrama
notes that Lombok Island belonged to the Majpahit kingdom. R Goris mentions
that the people of Sembalun at the northeast of Lombok believe that they are
the descendents of the Hindu Java and relate the grave of one of the member of
the royal family of Java located in the nearby of the region. Some form of historical
link is presumed since there is a strong influence of Javanese Hindu in various
aspects of Sembalun Valley inhabitants, such as language, music and dance,
mythology and the names of sacred objects.
There existed a kingdom of Sasak
nationality in between the period from 9th to 11th century. According to a
chronicle known as Babad Lombok, the most ancient kingdom of Lombok was in the
village of 'Lae' in kecematan Samperia, but later a kingdom came into being in
Pamatan of kecematan Aikumeru. It is thought that this place was in Sumparu
Valley. The influene of Java in Lombok was within this historical background.
It is said that a prince of Majapahit
kingdom, Laden Majapahit established a kingdom called Palang. This kingdom is
thought to be Serapalang, which, up to present time, is the alternative name of
Lombok Island. Further, a state called Purigi is known from 13th century. It
was established by the people who migrated from Java, and Lombok Island, during
those times, was also known as Purigi. It is also known that there was one
state called Kudaro of Burungas. Several small kingdoms in Lombok are also
noted by Nagara-kerutagrama.
By the middle of 14th century Majapahit
begins to invade Lombok Island. It invaded Bali in 1343, and by 1344 Lombok falls
within its sphere of influence with Surapuran and Kudaro belonging to the
kingdom of Majapahit. The fall of Majpahit kingdom was followed by the
formation of many small kingdoms in Lombok. The most renowned among them is the
kingdom of Rabuhan Lombok.
Islamization: Islam was introduced
in Lombok by the middle of 16th century in the period between 1506 and 1545.
According to Lombok chronicle, Susuhunan Ratu of Giri ordered for the
propagation of Islam and it was Susuhunan Pangeran Prapen who carried the order
in Lombok. When Prapen used force for the conversion to Islam, he then moved
forward towards Sumbawa and Bima people. It is said that in this period, the
natives of Lombok again reverted to their local religion. The return of Prapen
to Lombok re-established and consolidated the Islamic influence but a certain
part of the population escaped away from the Islamic control and moved to the
mountain hills. Some of the population, although submitted to the Islamic
control, but did not convert to its religion.
Van Eerde and G. H. Bousquet, the
sociologists at the beginning of 20th century, say that there were three
religious groups in Sasak tribes--Bodhas, Waktu-Telu and Wakt-Lima. Until the
beginning of 20th century Bodhas could be found in several villages in the
northern and southern mountain ranges of Rinjani plateau Bodhas, committed to
their tribal religion, were Sasaks by language, culture and nationality, and
are thought to be those people who escaped to the mountains from the Islamic
invasion. While, according to Lombok chronicle, Waktu-Telu are those groups who
accepted the Islamic control but did not converted into their religion. It was
the group of Waktu-Lima who converted into the religion of Islam.
29 Ref 2
30 As the animosity among the four
kingdoms reached its climax, the king of Mataram kingdom, Gusti K'tut
Karangasem, supported by the Karangasem military, the puppet king of the
English merchants and the Islamic Bugis led a war against the king, Ratu Ngurah
Panji, of Cakranegara. It resulted in the capture of the palace of Cakranegara
by the Mataram forces, and the battle ended with the mass suicide (puputan) of
the king Ratu Ngurah Panji and 300 others in the palace.
31The king of Mataram leaves the
throne to his eldest son Ratu Agung K'tut Karangasem. Besides, Dewa Agung of
Krungkun who was the susuhunan of Bali installed Ide Rato in the vacant throne
of Cakranegara... With the end of the war, Ratu Agung was, in reality, at the
center of power in the region of West Lombok. This challenged the royal
authority of Ide Ratu, which brought a collision between the king Ratu Agung
and Dewa Agung of Krungkung.
Ratu Agung then used the conflict
between Dewa Agung and Dutch East India Company, and between Krungkung and
Bureren kingdoms. He sent hia army to Bali and played intrigue corrupting the
Karangasem family. He finally installed his man on the throne of Bali.
The kingdom of Karangasem Lombok
that existed in 18the century was totally reorganized. In this new order, Gusti
Wayan Tega became the ruler of Cakranegara region subordinating to the Ratu
Agun, the king of Bali Karangasem.
32. Wakita, Yoshihisa Spatial
orientation in the settlements of Balinese and Sasaks in the island of Lombok,
Indonesia. Transactions on Architecture, Planning and Environmental
Engineering, AIJ, Nov., 1996.
33. Beringin is a Gajumal tree, and
is considered sacred in Bali and Lombok. Beringin is grown in Pura and Puri
(the residential quarter of the ritual communities related to Pura), and at the
four corners of karangs.
34. Nunka is a jack wood belonging
to Futabaki family.
35. In Indonesian language the vowel
'e' is pronouned as' u'. Thus we consider that kebe = kube and Sidemen =
Sidumen. Likewise, kebong and kemong also have similar pronounciation.
36 It is located at
the center of Cakranegara city, and symbolizes the world cosmic axis Mount
Meru. Pura Meru is the biggest temple in all the puras of Cakranegara. The pura
facing the main east-west street of the city is enclosed by high compound walls
with red roofing tiles. It was constructed by the king Agung Made Ngurah of
Bali Karangasem kingdom in 1720 as a symbol of unity of all the small kingdoms
of the Lombok island.
37
Wakita, Yoshihisa (1995) Spatial Structure of the Settlements of Desa Bayan of
Lombok Island, Indonesia. Journal of Architecture, Planning and Environmental
Engineering, AIJ, No. 478, p61-68.
38. 'Tiga'
in Indonesian (Malay) language means three and which is 'Telu' in Sasak. Telu
means 3 and Lima means 5. It is so said because Waktu Lima are the devout Muslims
who make their prayer 5 times in a day, while Waktu Telu are so called because
they have faith in all the three religions--animism, Hinduism and Islam.
39 The
Sasaks consider that Holland helped to liberate them from the Rule of Bali and
do not necessarily criticise the Dutch colonialists.
40 H. P.
Willemstijin, "Militair-aardrijkskundige beschrijving van het eiland
Lombok', IMT, 1891 (Alfons van der Kraan, "Lombok: Conquest, Colonization
and Underdevelopment, 1870-1940", Heinemann Asia, 1980).
41. J. J.
ten Have, " Het eiland Lombok en zijine bewoners", Den Haag, 1894
(Alfonso van der, "Lombok: Conquest, Colonization and Underdevelopment,
1870-1940", Heinemann Asia, 1980).
42. Ref2 Alfonso
van der Kraan, "Lombok: Conquest, Colonization and Underdevelopment,
1870-1940", Heinemann Asia, 1980.
43 on
the social structure of Lombok Island see Ref. 2 and Ref. 6.
44 Wakita,
et. al., The Sacred Places, Settlements and Orientation of Balinese and Sasaks
in Lombok Island, Indonesia. Journal of Architecture, Planning and
Environmental Engineering, AIJ, No. 489, pp. 97-102.
45. Fred
B. Eiseman, Jr.: BALI Sekala and Niskala, Vol. I, Periplus Editions, Berkeley,
Singapore, 1989, pp. 25-38.
References
1.
Acharya, P.K. (1934) Architecture of Manasara Vol. I-V, Munshiram Manoharlal
Publishers Pvt Ltd.
2 Alfons
van der Kraan, Lombok: Conquest, Colonization and Underdevelopment, 1870-1940,
Heinemann Asia, 1980.
--(1980)
"Lombok: Conquest, Colonization and Underdevelopment, 1870-1940",
Singapore, H. E. B., 1980.
3. Anat Agung
Ktut Agung (1980) Kupu Kupu Kuning Yang Tereb Ang di Sekat Lombok--Lintasan
Sejarah Kerajaan Karangasem.
4.
Arumugam, S. (1991) Lombok and its Temples
5. Cool,
W. (1980) De Lombok Expeditie, The Hague-Batavia.
6. Cool, W.
(trans. E. J. Tayor) "The Dutch in the East--An Outline of the Military
Operations in Lombok, 1894", The Java Head Bookshop, London, 1934.
7.
Departmen Pendidikan dan Kebudayan (1990) Studis Teknis Pura Meru Cakranegara ,
Proyok Pelestarian/Pemanfaatan Peninggalan Sejarah Purbakala Nusa Tengarra
Barat.
8.
Departmen Pendidikan dan Kebudayan Pusat Peneritian Sejara dan Budaya Protek
Peneritian dan Pencatatan Kebud Ayaan Daerah (1977) Sejarah Daerah Nusa
Tengarra Barat.
9. Graaf,
H. J. de (Djawa 21: 61941) Lombok in the 17e eeuw; Mededeelingen van de
Kirtya-Leifrinck van der Tuuk, Alf.
10.
Kitamura, Tadashi, "The Chimaki Battle of Lombok Island", Journal of
Ethnic Studies (Jap), No. 37, 1986.
11. Kraan,
van der (1980) Lombok: Conquest, Colonization and Underdevelopment, 1870-1940,
Singapore, H. E. B.
9. Ohji,
T. (1991) Ideal Hindu City of Ancient India a Described in the Arthasastra and
the Urban Planning of Jaipur, East Asian Cultural Studies 29-1--4.
12.
Pigeaud Th. G. (1960) Java in the Fourteenth Century vol. 5, The Hague,
Martinus Nijhoff.
13. Tim
Departmen Dalam Negeri (1991) Hasil Seravvasilap angan Dalam Rangka pemb
Entukaan Kotamadaya Daerah Tingat 2, MATARAM.
14. Funo,
S. (1992), (1994) Cosmology and The Structure of House, Settlement and the City
of Lombok Island--A Study on The Principles of the Structure of the House,
Settlement and the City of Islamic World. Annual Report of the Housing Research
Foundation, No. 19, No. 20.
15.
Yoshida, Teigo (1992), The Peoples of Bali Island, Kobundo.
16.
Wakita, Yoshihisa (1995) Spatial Structure of the Settlements of Desa Bayan of
Lombok Island, Indonesia. Journal of Architecture, Planning and Environmental
Engineering, AIJ, No. 478, p61-68.
