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2024年8月22日木曜日

講演:基礎的空間単位の創造ー地域の都市住宅のプロトタイプを目指して,「アジア・ニュー・ウエーブ アジア都市の過去・現在・未来」,神戸芸術工科大学,淡路夢舞台,2000年10月22日

 ◎布野修司:基礎的空間単位の創造・・・地域の都市住宅のプロトタイプを目指して,神戸芸術工科大学,淡路夢舞台,「アジア・ニューウエーブ アジア都市の過去・現在・未来」,20001022日:The Creation of Fundamental Urban Space Units・・・Towards the prototype of urban house in the region for the future Kobe Design University Awaji Yume ButaiAsia New Wave The Past Present and Future of the Cities in Asia 22 Oct. 2000

 

Asia New Wave

The Past, Present and Future of the Cities in Asia

The Creation of Fundamental Urban Space Units・・・Towards the prototype of urban house in the region for the future

 

Dr. Shuji Funo(Kyoto University)

 

Introduction ・・・ personal history of the studies

 

Thank you very much, Prof.,    for your very kind introduction.

I am very delighted to be here with you and to be allowed to talk some of our research work related to the subjects as a keynote speaker.

 

My name is Shuji Funo. My first name is easy to remember. Who knows (Funo's)? Nobody knows is the answer.

I'm from Department of Architecture of Faculty of Engineering. My major subjects are Housing and Regional Urban Planning. Beside the academic work, I am a kind of critic on architectural design, so published several books in Japanese.

 

For these two decades, I have been deeply involved in housing and urban problems in developing regions especially in Asia. Today, I would like to talk about my considerations based on my field studies in Asian regions.

I started the research work on human settlements in Southeast Asia in 1978 with the colleagues of Toyo University. We carried out research project titled "Transitional Process of Kampungs and Evaluation of KIP in Indonesia" jointly with ITS (ITS Institute Teknologi Surabaya) research Group leaded by Prof. Johan Silas.

Firstly, I would like to discuss what I have learned from the kampung in Surabaya.Based on the study, ITS team designed so called rumah susun model as an experimental project in Indonesia in early 90s.  And we were given the opportunity to implement the so called Surabaya Eco-house. I will show you some pictures soon.

 After moving to Kyoto University, I am concentrated on the human settlements in Lombok island for several years. We discovered a unique Hindu city named Cakranegara. And then we enlarge our concern to Indian sub-continent.

Jaipur

 Lahore Ahmedabad Delhi

Kathumandu valley

 We started the research project titled Comparative Study on Formation and Domestication of Colonial Cities in 1997 funded by Ministry of EducationJapan.

Firstly, we adjusted the focus on the colonial cities in the British Empire because the colonial cities are thought to have had been completed in the former British Empire. So, we picked up three capital cities, New Delhi (India), Canberra (Australia), Pretoria (South Africa) as the first axis for comparison. We selected the South East Asian cities to compare the differences by suzerains as the second axis. Indonesian cities (Banten, Batavia,), Taiwan (the Netherlands), Singapore, Hong Kong and Rangoon (Great Britain), Malacca (Portugal), Manila (Spain) and Hanoi, Saigon (France) are the cities to be studied.

 After two-year program was finished, our concern moved to Dutch colonial cities. Happily, we could get fund for three more years until May 2002. Title is almost the same which is Research on Origin, Transformation, Conversion and Conservation of Urban Core of Colonial Cities.

 

I am given the very broad and ambitious title of the speech.  It is not to say that I have no ability to discuss the subject as a whole. What I can discuss is the role of the architects and planners for the future of the cities in Asia.especially in housing field.

 

I believe one of the role of the architects is to create or propose the model of the urban fabricsfor examples. prototypes of urban houses.

 

Entering the main topic, I would like to discuss what we learned from Great Hansin earthquake.

 


0 Lessons from GREAT HANSHIN EARTHQUAKE

 

The Great Hanshin Earthquake taught us the importance of the autonomy of urban community. I would like to discuss about what the urban settlement should be, based on my view of the Japanese experience as well as the field survey on kampungs of Surabaya

 

     In the early morning on January 17, 1995, we had experienced the Great Hanshin Earthquake. Over 6,000 people were killed by the building collapsed, flying objects(furniture) and the fires. About 300,000 people have lost their houses and were compelled to live in the temporary shelters until the end of August 1995 when the emergency houses were barely completed. Still, several thousands of population are living illegally in the tents at the public parks.

     Just after the Great Hanshin Earthquake, I walked through the area damaged 30 km from east and west several times.

     What I saw was the death of the town or the dying city. I had never known it can happen that the city dies.

     And at the same time I saw the scene that the city is going to be rebirth. I understood the importance of unity and solidarity of urban community.

     The Great Hanshin Earthquake taught us many things in terms of urban planning and urban communities.

 

  (a) The Power of Nature

      Those who live in the metropolis in the developed countries tend to believe we can completely control the nature. But we understand that is not correct when we have disasters, i.e., floods, typhoon and earthquake. We are likely to forget the fears  of the nature. As the speed of urbanization grows faster, the Ewaste land and swampy land that was formally unsuitable for human living  have been being developed. Cutting the hills and reclaiming the sea was thought to be killing two birds with one stone. Nevertheless, we never forget the power of the nature.

      It is very important to survey the sites carefully and assess the environment in detail when we construct the new towns.

      On the other hand, we can reconfirm the splendid power of the nature. I'd seen the trees in front of houses that protected them from fire. It is also very important to use the potentialities of the land and the natural surroundings.

  

  (b) The Limitations of Urban Development Strategies

      Those who were damaged the most severely this time are the weak of the societies living in the inner city, the handicapped, the urban poor, the foreigners and so on. The fact reveals the results and evidences that the local governments had not improved inner areas that had needed environmental improvement programs. They had given priorities over the developments of the new town like promoters and developers, because it is more effective to develop the city from the economical view points. As a result, they had ignored and putted off the urban renewal projects. The Great Hanshin Earthquake reveals the limits of urban growth development strategies.      

     

  (c) The Weakness of the Networks of Urban Infrastructures

      The faults of systems of infrastructures are also recognized. All the railroad lines and trunk roads run from east to west and those from north to south are very few because of the conditions of topography.

      The systems of water, electricity and gas supply services, had the same faults. There are no alternatives and double systems. We need multi-pole network systems in place of one-pole centered systems.

        

  (d) The Scarcity of Public spaces

      The most useful facilities to recover the urban communities are public(elementary and secondary) schools for shelter and convenience stores for food supply. Neighborhood facilities are very important in case of emergency as well as in daily life. It was very serious that hospitals, offices of local government, Efire station and police station were destroyed. We knew that the

We should build public facilities based on the high standards.

      The scarcity of urban public spaces(parks, playgrounds, sport fields) was fatal because we had even no spaces to build emergency houses after disasters. 

 

  (e) The Importance of the Autonomy of Urban Settlements

      The situations that people only had been seeing their houses being burned and hearing the call for help without nothing to do because of no means, were miserable. We need water, foods and other daily necessaries in the neighborhood units. We had buried the well and covered the river for convenience, so there was no water around us to put out the fire.  The urban settlements should be self-supported.

      The autonomy of urban community is so important to help each other.

 

  (f) The Possibilities of Volunteers in Urban Planning

      The volunteers worked hard and well to recover the damage. Japan had no volunteer system, but volunteers gathered spontaneously. We recognize Non-Profit Organization has to be organized as a network system to help the daily life as well as emergent situation.

      The reconstruction programs after Great Hanshin Earthquake do not necessarily go well because of many reasons. Community architecture has not roots in Japanese society yet. People's participation and bottom up process are inevitable in urban development, especially in urban renewal.                   

 


Cities and Urbanization in the Developing Countries(Regions)

 

    Before entering to consider the realities in the third world cities, I'd like to discuss the framework and theory to approach the realities.

 

 (1)Characteristics of Urbanization Process in the Developing Countries

 

  Levels and Velocity of Urbanization

 

    Many statistical data says the explosive increase of world population. In the very beginning of 19th century, the estimated world population was 900 million. Through the ages after Industrial Revolution, it grows more and more, and reach to about 1.6 billion in the beginning of 20th century.  1950-2.5B  1960-3B 1984-4.8B

    what do you guess is the world population now?  It is are now reaching 6 billion. No. already reached 6 billion.

 But we have to pay attention to the fact that this trend of population growth differs region by region.

    90% of the increase of world population we will see in the developing area. The distribution of world population is greatly changing. The ratio of population in the developed countries is decreasing to less than 20%.

    The rapid increase of population in the developing countries causes the food shortage problems, energy shortage problems, environmental resource problems. One of the serious issues is housing problems caused by rapid urbanization.

    The Urban phenomena we see in the developing regions is different from that of developed countries. I'd like to point out several characteristics of urbanization in developing countries, Firstly....

    

 Primate City and Urbanization

 

 (1) The existence of primate city

    In case of developing countries, it sometimes happens that only one big city dominates the region.  We call that kind of city Primate City which is named by M. Jefferson in 1939. It's the term of geography. That is the largest city in the region which has no rival city. Manila, Bangkok, Seoul,  Tokyo

    In case of developed countries, it is general that hierarchical(proportional) order called rank-size rule exits among sizes of cities. The cities which form the network are interrelated one another within the same country.  1 Tokyo  1/2 Osaka   1/3 Nagoya

    But in the developing area, we see often only one big city in the region. The rank size rule was launched in 1941 by G. Zwip which claim that there is proportional order between the number of cities that has the same size and the number that has  another size. 

  Why this kind of bias happened? We have several theories that try to explain the phenomena of the primate city.

 

Urbanization without Industrialization

   It is said in general that the degree of urbanization follows the degree of industrialization in developed countries. Modern industry promotes urbanization and vice versa. Urbanization draw Industrialization.

 

  Urbanization - Industrialization is the dual process of space-organization as follows.

  One process is this. The collapse of the structure of rural society push out the population to the urban area which serve the laborer to the industry. On the other hand, the transformation from manufacturing to factory production system needs the concentration of labor. Urban area pull the laborer from rural area.

  Urbanization promotesl Industrializationproviding labor. Industrialization promotes urbanization.

  Many theory clarifies the fact that there exists close relations between urbanization and Industrialization (economic development). Scholar tends to believe both are the same process. But the situation is very different in developing countries. The level of urbanization always exceeds the level of Industrialization. So one scholar launched the concept of Over-Urbanization  or Urbanization without Industrialization.

 

 

  We need another theory to explain the different phenomena from western countries. We have to understand multiple process of urbanization and multiple structure of urban society.   

 

  I'd like to introduce the key word to explain that multiple process and structure and discuss the special quality of cities in the developing countries.

 

 A  Colonial City

  Most of developing countries had experiences of colonization by western countries.  That experience  in the colonial period greatly influenced the process of urbanization and the characteristics of urban society in the developing countries. The large cities in SEA and South Asia have developed being based on the colonial city.  Colonial cities were constructed on the base of native port town by introducing the western system of domination.  The relation between native town and colonial city newly established is multiple.  There is the case as in Latin America that new city was constructed on tabla rasa (white paper) after native social system was completely destroyed, But even in that case, two systems were linked together in various way.  One of the major features of  cities in Developing countries is derived from the remains of linked heterogeneous systems in the colonial period.

 

 B. Plural Society

 The major role of colonial authority is to plant the people to the occupied land. To manage the colony, sovereign countries and colonial authorities do plant people in various way.  In order to develop the plantation and mines, governor immigrate laborers from outside of the regions. Many black people were forced to move to Latin America. In case of colonial cities in South east Asia,  laborers are compelled to move to the city from various region. There are merchants like Indian and Chinese who are voluntarily without compulsion. As a result, the complicated society that is consisted of many tribes and ethnic groups is formed. J.S. Furnival called society of colonial city "Plural Society".

  The nature of plural society is not only characterized by the fact that society are consisted of various tribes. In terms of social order, the hierarchy of the class, the segregation of inhabitants exits in colonial society. The confrontation (contradiction) between dominate rulers and subordinates penetrates into the bottom of the society. As for the ruling class, there exists the difference between the elite and creole who does not know the home-country. And also there exists definite conflict between native elite and other common people. We can see many discrimination among tribes and religious groups. Mestizo, Eurasian, Murate... many half-breed.

 Plural society can be seen in almost all the colonial city and contemporary city in the developing countries..

 

 C.  Dual Structure

 The characteristics of plural society and pararel existence of native town and western city formation often reflects to the spatial structure of the city. It is generally seen that the area the ruling class live and the area native live are segregated. The settlements each ethnic groups live in  are also segregated according to  tribes and birthplace. The names of the streets are often derived from those of the native regions.

  The segregation among ethnic groups is becoming unclear. But the competitive separation between the ruling elites and the people in common  still exists in the third world city. If we use the term of economics, the spatial separation between firm sector and bazaar sector, or  formal sector and informal sector is the special character of the city.

 The central business district is for the people who work in the firm sector. The bazaar sector absorb the over urbanized populations.

 

 D.  Urban village

    Over-urbanization produces the huge amount of so called slum. But what is slum?. I want to raise the question. The term of slum is derived from slumber which means sleepy. You know?   Is it right?

    The deteriorated settlements low income people live in the developing countries are not the slum, are not the same one in western countries. We cannot understand them by the western concept of slum. The process of urbanization and structure of the city is different. In western modern city, slum is within the city and only a part of the city, and is located in special district. On the contrary, the area spread all over the city in the developing countries.  In western slum, we often see the phenomena such as criminal acts, alienation, family disorganization. But the urban settlements are in general well organized in developing countries.

 The settlements low income people live in are different region by region and called variously. Kampung in Malaysia and Indonesia. Barong barong in Philippines, Barrios in South America. Bidonvilles in North Africa. Gece Kondu in Turkey. Bustee in India.

    It is a major point that urban settlements preserve a rural social relationship and traditional subculture.

   The word of huge village is often used for the city in the developing countries.  Urban village is also suitable term for the urban settlements in the developing countries.

 Rural community still exists within the city. Barangay in Philippines. Mohalla in India. Rukun tetanga in Indonesia.

 

 

 

The Process and Structure of Urbanization

Theory on Urbanization and Developing Countries

 

   How do you explain the existence of primate city or the phenomena of over-urbanization or Urbanization without Industrialization?

   We have to amend the western model of Urbanization in order to understand the realities in developing countries. The process of urbanization is not linear process.

 

   Theory of dual economy is widely and roughly accepted to explain the distortion (strain) of the economic structure.

   Dual structure of economy, that is,  coexistence of  western and urban capitalist economy and indigenous pre-industrial economy  will be explained in the following way.

   Dual system promotes the mono-culturization in the rural area and push out the large amount of peasants to the city. But the city cannot absorb the peasants as factory-workers because of underdevelopment of the industry.  As a result, phenomena called over-urbanization appeared. Surplus population live in an informal sector. They are parasitic to the formal sector of economy. They serve their daily lives by themselves. Informal sector continue to invite more populations from rural area to the city. Then primate city is generated.

 

 We need several concept to classify the pattern of urbanization process.

 R. Redfield and M. Singer distinguish Primary urbanization and Secondary urbanization as for the stage of urbanization.  And the concept of Ortho genetic transformation and Heterogenetic transformation are introduced to understand the transformation process of the city.

 The term of Primary urbanization is used for urbanization in the age of Pre-Industrial society. Secondary urbanization means the urbanization caused by and after Industrial Revolution.  G. Shoberg began to use the word of  Pre-industrial city.

 Ortho genetic transformation is for the case when the transformation from folk society to urban society is caused from inside the society which is autonomous change.  Hetero genetic transformation is caused by encounter with different culture and contact with foreign society which is structural change.

  B. Hozelitz distinguish the Generative city from the Parasitic City. Urbanization in Generative city contribute to the economic development but urbanization in Parasitic city does not necessarily contribute to the economic growth.

  Now we can classify the process and structure of urbanization in developing countries.

 

 

Ortho Prim Hetero                             {Ⅰ}

 

                  Iudustrial Revolution Second  Hetero{Ⅱ}

 

    Prim → Ortho →               {Ⅲ}

 

                  Colonization → Hetero →SecondOrtho{Ⅳ}

 

 

 

 

        Economic Aspect

              Generative    Parasitic

Cultural

 

 Transform      {]        {Ⅱ}

                Hetero        Hetero

                Prim          Second

 

 Conservation   {Ⅲ}       {Ⅳ}

                Ortho         Ortho

                Prim          Second

 

 {}・・・local cities in developed countries

 {}・・・modern metoropolis

 {}・・・Historical cities in developing countries

 {}・・・large  primate cities

 

  Urban Involution

 Lastly, I'd like to discuss about the concept of Urban Involution. The term of involution is very interesting to compare with the term of evolution.

  In case of evolution, the process of transformation is a forward movement and expanding. The process of involution is a inward movement and not expanding. The whole form does not change in involution process. Only the parts are sub-divided successively.  An anthropologist begins to use the word in terms of using the architectural style of Gothic as a metaphor.  After the Gothic style was completed, the whole style did not change. Only the ornament in the detail became finer and finer.

 A famous American anthropologist use the term of agricultural involution to explain the process of development in 19th century Jawa .  Though the area of rice field did not increase, the population increased. That is involution process. Though the total amount of resources are limited in the city in developing countries, population increase. That is urban involution. C. Geertz also use the term  shared poverty.  Towords the sustainable society, we never want infinite expansion. The concept of involution and shared resouses are worthy to be discussed.
Learning from Kampungs

 Kampung as a Model of Urban Community

 

    I have been in charge with the field work on kampungs(urban villages) in Surabaya, Indonesia, for these 20 years with Prof. Johan Silas. He always teaches  me a lot about what human settlements are or should be. I believe kampung is so interesting as a model of urban community.  I am concerned about how the characteristics of kampung as an urban community can be developed to the neighborhood unit of a new town in Southeast Asian countries.

 

Surabaya 

A. This is Surabaya in 1825. We cannot see any town but only factory surrounded by so called village The name of Surabaya is firstly seen in old inscription in 13th century and is said to have been the port of Javanese kingdom. Yu”n attacked Surabaya in the same period the dynasty attacked Japan.

Dutch occupied Surabaya area in 1743. We have two cases in Dutch oversees settlements, one of which was founded on virgin land and the other was founded on the indigenous settlement. The third case is that of taking over the other European fortress.

 

B. This is Surabaya in 1866 just before Meizi era began. We can see Kalimas castle, several bastions and moat, which surrounded kampungs. This is the one of the archetype of colonial cities.

Surabaya, you imagine, is the second largest city in Indonesia, the population of which is over 300 million. In the beginning of 20th century, the population of Surabaya was 150,000, so Surabaya experienced rapid urbanization during this 20th like other cities developed on colonial foundation.

I visit Surabaya almost every year from the first visit in 1981. I visited Surabaya 16 times for these 20 years, which is my second hometown and starting place of every thing. My interest in Dutch colonial cities is of course from early field studies. 

CE

I have learned a lot from kampungs.

KIP

Kampung as a Model of Urban Community

     Most of kampungs is in poor condition physically and economically, but are not necessarily poor socially. It should be emphasized that kampung is not a slum. Kampung shows different appearances from urban settlements in western cities. Destruction of social structure, wicked acts, criminal acts are not rarely seen in the kampung. It is not a discriminated settlement but community that has own system and value.

     The characteristics of kampung that has own values as an urban community to be noticed are as follows.

 

   (1) Variety of Kampungs

     Each kampung has its own characteristics, which varies with  its location (distance from the city center), constitution of income groups, migratory backgrounds of inhabitants or mobility of population, its history its spatial pattern and so on.  So it is a little bit hard to talk about kampung in general that is the  reason we classify kampungs at least into three i.e. urban kampung, fringe kampung, and rural kampung, according to their location.

     It's very important that distribution of various kampungs give alternatives when people choose the place to live.  Even the poorest income group can find some kampungs to live.  As J.Silas pointed out, variety of kampungs is only a solution to the housing problems at the moment.

     Residential areas in Japan are rather monotonous and homogeneous everywhere and are losing their localities and identities.  It's very interesting various kampungs scattered widely in the city.

 

   (2) Kampung as a Whole World

     Kampung is not only a residential area.  New town in Japan is often called Bed town because it has no other functions except sleeping (staying).  But kampung produces many things by home industry.  Kampung has both functions of production and consumption, which is different from Bed town in Japan that only consume goods.

     Circulation system of goods is not so simple but it is a characteristic that circle of production and consumption can be closed within the kampung.  Living place is very near to workplace, which means that all the activities can be carried out in  the neighborhood.

     Kampung itself is parasitic on various facilities of the city and cannot survive without earning money from outside the kampung.  But kampung life is autonomous.

 

   (3) Heterogeneity of Kampung

     Kampung is not a homogeneous community.  Rich people used to live next to poor people.  Complexity of inhabitants is a characteristic  of kampung.  It is sure that people from same region tend to live in the same area.  But relationships between different groups are not always exclusive.  It should be noticed that rich people support the life of the poor even in poorest kampung.

 

   (4) Kampung as a Highly Serviced Society ---Rombung Culture

     Everybody can get almost all the kinds of foods and goods for daily life within the kampung, because Rombung (float) and street peddler (Vendor) always served inhabitants.  Many kinds of Vendors had visited down town area of Tokyo before, but Japan lost such Rombung culture.

     It is because opportunities of getting jobs are very few that we can see many rombungs and vendors in the kampung. But to the inhabitants, kampung is a highly serviced society.

 

   (5) Mutual Aid System ---Gotong Royonag, Arisan

     Kampung has a hierarchical administration system.  RT-RW system looks like a top-down system, and it is said Japanese armies introduce that kind of system (Tonarigumi or Chounaikai)  to Indonesia.  But on the other hand, it is also pointed out that traditional society has such kind of community organization system.  In any case, the spirits of mutual aid characterize kampung community.  Gotong Royong activities and Arisan system are indispensable to kampung life.

 

   (6) Preservation of Traditional Culture

     It is often seen in the kampung that newcomers build the same style of house as that in rural village from where they come.  People tend to preserve the traditional way of life, which is also one of characteristics of the kampung.  The standard type of kampung house has of course a relation to the rural traditional house in East Jawa. Kampung should be considered to be a settlement that has own vernacular values in Indonesia.

 

   (7) Kampung Housing as a Process

     As chapter IV describes housing in the kampung is a process.  Kampung is generated by accumulating many housing processes of various inhabitants.

 

   (8) Complexity of Ownership Relations

     It is one of the major characteristics that ownership relations are complicated.  Modern land laws introduced by Dutch and traditional laws (Adat) coexist in the kampung.  Relations between primary right and secondary right are not easily understood for foreigners.  

 


Self help Housing to Rumah Susun & Surabaya Eco-House

     How to solve the urban problems is the major object of planning and housing policies in Southeast Asian countries as well as other developing countries. Each country has its own policies and strategies for the problems according to its own situations.

     Mass production housing system supplying people with a huge amount of dwelling units by public authorities is the most popular system each country had adopted in the first stage. But it soon became clear that such a western idea of housing does not necessarily take effect to the actual conditions in Southeast Asian countries. The reasons for which supplying high rise residential areas do not go well to solve the urban problems are that low cost housing projects cost much more money than other projects and can not supply the quantity of dwelling units needed. Low cost housing could not be low income housing in the real situation. Furthermore, we can also point out that the modern form of house did not fit to way of life that differs cultural backgrounds and could not be accepted by people.

     Slum clearance & redevelopment program is also the major strategy to solve the problems directly. But it is not easy to clear the slum because the problems are deeply connected with the social, economical and political structure of each country. It was often said that slum clearance ends creating new slum elsewhere as a result. Slum clearances rather tend to expand contradictions in society and be resisted.

     Resettlement projects aim at decentralizing over populations in urban center to suburbs or rural areas but did not go well because they often lack the provision for various facilities and people can not get the opportunities for jobs. It is also a cause that they are costly.

     Much has been said and written about sites and services projects. Many people may consider sites and services projects to be nothing more or less than only creators of new slum neighborhoods and would like to see them definitively abolished. Certainly in case that sites and services projects are realized as resettlement projects we can see the phenomena inhabitants go back to the previous urban areas. It was a fact that projects areas became new slums soon. But there are others who support them and claim that such projects, well planned and realized, should constitute one of the new forms or means that are within the reach of the poorest levels of the population. I think experience during these decades has shown that they are not valid for all, but the possibilities should be pursued more. Core house projects carried out with sites and services are interesting from an architectural view point. Combining more alternatives and elements, there can be possibilities creating various environments. Sites and services projects should be integrated into their local environment, avoiding the previous error of isolation. The location of its habitants, recreational facilities, commercial centers, means of transportation should be taken into account.

  The subject is how the self-contained community can be created.

 

Rumah Susun

 

Surabaya Eco house

FG

    We were given to design and build an experimental pilot house for the humid tropics as an urban house prototype. The model was completed in 1998 and has been monitored as for room condition.

Surabaya Eco-House

 We introduced several concepts and techniques into the model.

  1 Skeleton-Infill Structural Method

2 Passive Cooling Technology

Double-Roofing/ Using local materials Coconut fiber/ Radiant Cooling System by circulating Well water/ Ventilation using chimney effect

 


Urban Studies

After moving to Kyoto University, I am concentrated on the human settlements in Lombok island. We discovered a unique Hindu city named Cakranegara.

 

 Cakranegara AD

I started urban studies at Kyoto University from 1991. First of all, we happen to find Cakranegara city, which is located in Lombok Island just next to Bali.

This is the map of Cakranegara that gave us the moment to investigate the city because we had never known this kind of gridiron city. I think you; Dutch scholars and even Indonesian professor do not know the city. The grid city is believed not to be seen in Indonesia.

We discovered Cakranegara city is colonial city that was founded by Balinese Kingdom in early 18th century.

The comparison with other grid city like Kyoto is the first concern. We clarified the block and street system by analyzing the size of lots and blocks, and measurement system.

Cakranegara city as a Hindu city is very interesting also in terms of relation between block system and community organization. We discussed the relations between them.

Segregation between the Hindu and Muslim is the topic from the beginning.

 

5. Jaipur AC   

After finishing the first stage of the study, we thought what cities would be the target city. We looked for the cities founded in 18th century in Asian region suitable to compare them with Cakranegara. We listed Hue, Taipei…. And found a famous grid (chess board) city in India, Jaipur.

Jaipur city was founded in 18th century. Jaipur City designed by Jai Singh II(16881743) is thought to had been constructed based on the Hindu cosmology, about which many scholars are still discussing. We are so much interested in the principles of space formation of Jaipur City and discussed the planning theory in terms of measurement systems of streets' width and length, systems of dividing the block (Chowkri) and the distribution of the religious facilities through the analysis of 43 City Maps (1925-28).

Repeatedly, the reason why we pick up Jaipur is to compare Cakranegara (Lombok, Indonesia), which was found as a colonial city of Balinese Hindu kingdom in the same period of early 18th century.

Distribution of population is very interesting in both cities where the Hindu occupied the center and the Muslim the periphery.

 

 

 

 

6. Urban Studies in Asia

 

  If we list the subjects we are interested in, are these.

The grid: We can see the gridiron town planning all over the world, past and present, in the East and the West. Many cities of the Greek and Roman world are based on an extremely regular plan derived from a regular grid of streets. Almost all the colonial cities are gridiron Cities.

 

Cosmology: We can point out the following facts in terms of capital towns in Asia.

 1. There are two areas in Asia in relation to power-cosmology complex. One is the area in which cosmology and philosophy that gives the grounds and legitimacy of the dynasty reflects the directly concrete layout of the city. The other is the area in which we cannot necessarily find distinct relation between city form and cosmology.

  2. There are two cases, one case where the transcendental model of the ideal city exists and the real city form is considered as a metaphor of the model, the other where the real functional logic dominates the formation of the city. Even in the former case, it is very rare that the idea is realized completely. The relation between ideal types and the city structure changes age by age.

  3. The ideal form of the city tends to be realized in the periphery of the urban civilization rather than its center (the origin).

 If we divide the world (A) that has the idea of capital city as the representation of its own cosmology and the world (B) that has no idea of capital city, China and India belong to the world (A) and the Islam world belongs to the world (B). The boundary between (A) and (B) exists the line that connects Indian sub-continent, Tarim Basin and the Mongol plain. The Forestry Zone in Asia belongs to the world (A) excepting the cool Temperate Zones.

 The ideas of capital city which originate in China and India had prevailed and been accepted in their surrounding areas. The world (A) is divided into two parts, the center core (A1) that formed the idea and the periphery (A2) that received it. The world (A1) and the world (A2) are formed in the vicinity of the two centers, central china and central India. Korea, Japan and Vietnam are the areas that accepted the idea of ancient China. Southeast Asia, not including North Vietnam is the area that accepted the idea of ancient India.

 

Islamic City: But there are areas that have no tradition of the gridiron. Town planning. Generally speaking, Islam world has not such a tradition.

In closing, I wish to express my great appreciation once again to Prof. A for inviting me to participate in this symposium.

 Thank you very much for your kind attention and patience.

 

 "All cities are in a way colonial cities"

 

The Subjects of Studies on Colonial Cities

 

I am not a historian but architect or planner as I mentionedso much interested in morphology of the cities. I have to make an excuse on my biased view of builder in advance. Nevertheless, I will make an emphasis that special formation of colonial cities should be one of the crucial subjects when we discuss the Modern World System.

First of all, I would like to introduce you the urban studies we have been carrying out in my laboratory.

 

I should like to give this speech in three parts. The first part deals with the subjects related to the colonial cities in British Empire. The second part concerns Dutch colonial cities. And lastly, I will show you some new materials on Zeelandia.

 

Many our colleagues are participating in this symposium. Dr. Ron from ParisUNESCOwho has just finished his dissertation on Dutch colonial cities will give us the important information on our subjects. Dr. Samitha from Sri Lanka, who graduated from Kyoto University, will report Galle and Dutch Fort Cities in Sri Lanka. Naohiko Yamamoto, who is now in Surabaya, will report Kampong Improvement Program in the 193os.

As for Japanese occupancy in Asia, I trust other colleagues who are more responsible for that although I have interests with the cities in North China, Korea and Taipei and wrote some papers with young professor, one of who is prof. Han from Korea.

So, I am only playing an opening performance. Every severe question is delivered to them, following speaker.

 

   

 

  Let’s enter the main subject. To begin with, I would like to summarize the subjects or viewpoints of the study.

 

 All which I would like to say is summarized in this sentence” All the cities are in a way colonial cities” by R, Home. What I want to emphasize is that we can see and discuss the essence of the cities if we consider various aspects of colonial cities.

 

We have several theories in terms of the origin of the city. It is clear if we follow the theory that the power is the primary factor of the origin of the city. The city originates by the power in order to exploit the surplus of rural village.

It seems obvious colonial cities are spatial devices to dominate the people in the colony. They are spatial arrangement to mediate (connect-separate) the sovereign country and the colony. If we consider the city in general the spatial device for domination, it can be said,  "All the cities are in a way colonial cities". Considerations on colonial cities lead us to consider the nature of city planning.

We also have to pay attention the facts that most of capitals or large cities in the developing countries (regions) are originated in the colonial period. The urban and housing problems, from which they are suffering at present, have the roots in the historical process of the development as a colonial city. The formation of colonial cities by the power of suzerains in the beginning and the domestication by nation-state after independent are clues to the problems.

 

   The first point I think is this.

A.               Colonial cities will discuss here are so called modern colonial cities; Colonial cities, which had been founded by European Empires after Columbus’s discovery of New World, are different from colonial cities in general. The formation of modern colonial cities is parallel to the formation of Modern World System which I.Wallerstein launches as only system in World History. Colonial Cities before belong to 'World Empire'. What became keys of formation of Modern European economy in the 16 centuries are colonial cities in the peripheryThe theory of world system discusses the networks of World Economy and relations among coresemiperiphery and peripherybut pay no attention to the substantial form of cities. Here we think it is our subject to clarify the space formation of colonial cities. The space formation of colonial cities has been supporting the Modern World System and are succeeded to the space formation principles in contemporary cities in all over the world,

 We can or should participate in the discussion of World System or World Urban System from the viewpoints of physical planner.

 

 What we should clarify is this.

B.               What ideas of planning decide the form of colonial cities?  Who (What subjects or organizations) plan the city?  Who build the city?  What kinds of process are needed to implement the idea of the city?  What is the institutional framework of building colonial cities?  These questions above are subjects here. It is needless to say that these are also the fundamental issues of contemporary urban and regional planning in nature.

 

   It is important to discuss the theories and backgrounds of the influential model.

C.               In the early stage of colonization, facilities called factories were needed as a base of trade and replenishment on the coastal area. The bases were developed to the fortified city that contains factory plus residential facilities where the political and military strategies are given the priority in this stage. Fort building technologies are the keys to compete the rivals as well as military technologies. From the end of 16th century to 17th century, The Netherlands that had followed up Portuguese and Spain initiated the colonial city building. We have the interesting model of  "ideal port city" by Simon Stevin.

In this point, we have to review all the books on ideal city especially in the Renaissance.  And we have to compare the various models like Indies law by Philip II and Grand Model by Granvillesharp.

 

 Typology of colonial cities are needed to explain the process of formation of world system.

D.               The towns were gradually formed in the surrounding of the fortified city Colonizer plant (immigrate) the people to build and support the city. So-called white town and black town were formed being distinctively segregated.  Segregation among various ethnic groups becomes our important subjects. We can classify the colonial cities into several patterns according to the existence of native settlements and towns. Spanish colonial cities in Latin America were constructed on the native towns completely destroyed.  We have the case in Australia where only European builds the city without contact with the native aborigines. In China in the late 19th century, colony was built within the existent city. When the colonization proceed toward inland, another type of town were needed like the British cantonment and hill station.

 

 To clarify the supporting ideologies is one of the subjects of the study,

E.                The process of building colonial cities are various according to their context? The military occupation to get the native products like spices were common in the beginning, but the situation changed after Industrial Revolution because colonial societies became the huge market. As the policy of indirect rule was adopted, the economical and cultural dominance was given priority in place of direct military rule. To plant ideologies and values of sovereign societies by making a copy and a miniature of a part of them became the major strategy.

 

  To criticize the contemporary urban planning method or to get the alternative view of planning is major issues.

F.                The colonies turned to be experimental fields for the history of modern urban planning. New world had been regarded as a place of utopia to many religious groups. Many trials to build utopia based on the philosophy of so called "fanciful socialism" like those of St. Simon, R. Owen and C. Fourier were also carried out in the New World. On the other hand, the institutional framework and urban planning codes, which were built to deal with the urban issues, and housing problems caused by rapid urbanization after Industrial Revolution, were exported to the colonial cities. Especially, the concept of public health strongly influenced the colonial city planning.

G.               The ideas and policies of modern urban planning were not exported one way to the colonies. Attentions should be paid that colonial experience influenced the policies and technologies of urban planning in the western countries. The fact that institutional framework for urban strategies were set up earlier in the colonies are often overlooked. The experiences in the colonies were imported to the western society as in case of "Garden city".

 

To reflect the relation between modern urban planning and colonial experience from the end of 19th century to 20th century leads us to reconsider the nature of modern urban planning.

 

 

 

 

 


Ⅲ The Making Of British Colonial Cities

  Well, I will review the history of British Colonial Cities and the urban planning following R. Home who wrote one book titled “Of planting and planning” which we translated into Japanese and are going to publish next year through Kyoto University Academic Press. That is very nice guide for us.

 Many of the largest cities in the world today are creatures of British colonialism.

This is the content of the book. He described the history of British oversees expansion from the beginning to 20th century, postcolonial period according to topics.

 

R. Home discusses Grand Model in the first chapter.

Ⅰ Grand Model of Colonial Settlement

English oversea expansion began with Ulster Plantation(Londonderry, Colerain) from 1610-40.  Lord Shaftsbury formulate the way of planting and called it Grand Model.  He himself was imvolved in development of Carolina colony  The Grand Model was elaborated during the 18th century and reached its most sophisticated expression in Adelaide city plan of Colonel Light in 1836/37.

The model was evolved as times go on. In 1660s, 1680s, Charleston and Philadelphia are the typical case. Several leaders are known as succesors of Shaftsbury. Benjamin in Georgia and Oglesope in Savanna in 1730 are those. The books written by Granville Sharp who commited to Sierra Leone: Freetown in 1780s were very influential. And came the age of Australia & New Zeeland in 1830s.

 

We can summarize the main components of the British model of colonial town planning as follows.

Deliberate Urbanization: A policy of deliberate urbanization had its mediaeval origins in Britain and applied to overseas plantations and colonies. The late in 19th century, the opposite policy was being applied. Decentralization, the main aim of the garden city and new town movement,is that social order would be best preserved by moving away from the turbulent and politicized urban masses to places of safety.

 

Allocation of Town and Country Land Rights: The policy of deliberate urbanization could be secured through the land management by structuring a symbiotic relationship between town and country. Each settler , for instance in Savannah, would receive country lots of 45 acres, garden or suburban lots of 5 acres and a town lot of less than an acre.

 

Town Planning in Advance of Settlement: The town site was to be laid out in advance of occupation, according to a prepared plan. But, The plan is plan on the paper.

 

Wide Streets in Geometric Form: 

Public Squares 

Standard-Sized Rectangular Plots:

street Philadelphia/Charleston 100ft/60ft 50ft/: Savanna 75ft/ Kingston 50or66ft/ Freetown 80ft/ Adelaide 132ft     backlane 12ft/22ft

town lot: Charleston 300sqf  Savanna 60*90ft  Kingston 50*150ft   Siera leone 96ft3i*288ft9inches48ft*76ft 

 

Public Land ReservationsLand was to be reserved for public purposes or as a source of public revenue.

Green Belts: Green Belts that is physical separation of town and country by a building-free zone usually encircling the town are the most famous of British planning concepts.

 

 We can accept these components without question because these were delivered to modern urban planning ideas and concepts. What we should reconfirm is what had happened under these ideas in realities.

 


Ⅱ The Shapers of Colonial Urban Landscapes

 As an architect and urban planner, we are so interested in professinals who are responsible for building cities. Besides everything, which cities are attractive to our eys is the keys to consider the urban heritage.

 We can see the new professionals of colonial settlements which had the social status with colonial cities.  Modern specialists were born in close relation with the colonial experiences.

.

 

 

Military Governor   The founders of the colonial cities in the early stage are military commanders or explorers and traders. There are military statesmen who left their names as those of the cities like Brisbane, Darling. Bourke. and D'Urban. Stanford Ruffles who built Singapore was the statesman who influenced the policies of colonial development. Francis Light who founded George Town (Penang) as a South East Asian base of East India Company was a trader and developer whose son, William Light is famous as a builder of Adelaide

         BrisbaneDarlingBourkeD'Urban

         Stanford Ruffles   Jan van Reebeck

The Land Surveyors

Thomas Raven mapped the plantation of Ulster. James Cook who is famous as a explorer of Oceania surveyed the St. Lawrence River when he was young. W. Light is well known. Mitchell and Hoddle were active in Australia.

The Engineers

Kitchener  in Khartoum/ Fraser and R.Napier in Bengal/ Maclean in Jerusalem

   The civil engineers created their own institute in Britain in 1818. royal chartered in 1828 King's College London introduced cources in civil engineering from 1838.

 

Doctors and Public Health Specialists

The medical profession acquired a dominance in the latter years of the 19th century. Plague is the key factor to decide the lay out of the town. W. Simpson was the most influential doctor at that time.

 

Architects and Town Planners

  George Coleman in Singapore, Francis Greenway in Sydney, John Sulman A.Thompson in Cape Town  Ranchester Geddes Maxwell Fry Ashed Arbercrombee

 

 

 

 

 To be honest, we know little about these important persons.

 

Ⅲ Port Cities

 British Empire's first port cities were the three Presidency towns of the British East India Company. These are Bombay, Madras and Calcutta. They form links in a world economy and global network of the cities.

Ⅳ Warehousing

Colonialism relocated millions of people to distant places. They were not only white but also non-white , both temporary migrant workers and permanent settles. They had to accomodate themselves to new environment and build their houses. In the process,  New housing forms were created and modified.

The Bungalow

Single House Shotgun House

Barrack Housing

Hostel

Compound

The Chawl

Shophouse

Cottage

 

Ⅴ Racial Segregation

 The distinctive social characteristic of the colonial city is the fact of race. The spacial separation of races maitained both cultural differences and power relationships. Segregation is one of the most critical problems we have to consider regarding colonial cities.

 

Ⅵ The Idea of Town Planning

The highlights of the colonial city planning in the former half of 20th century are planning of the three capitals in British Empire, New Delhi, Pretoria and Canberra. The relations and communications between architects and planners who took part in those projects are intimate as H.Baker were invited to design the major building in New Delhi from South Africa and W. Griffin worked India besides the works in U.S.A. and Australia. It is interesting subject here to clarify the role of professionals like architects and planners who export the basic idea of planning.

Ⅶ Legislation Institutionalization

Ⅷ Transition to Independence


Ⅳ Studies on Dutch Colonial Cities

 

1. Research Framework

This shows tentative contents of our report which must be written until next year.

 

 

 

 

2. Dutch-founded Settlements Overseas

Cape Town Colombo(Galle) MaraccaBatavia

 Zeelandia Deshima

 

Here we have the interesting subject, Jan van Reebeck who was the founder of Cape Town. He got on board of VOC as a young surgeon to Btavia when he was 20 years old. He had been to Deshima (Nagasaki) as a trader in 1642. After coming back to Amsterdam, he was designated as a founder of Cape Town in 1651 and lastly died in Batavia. From the existence of the person like Jan van Reebeck, we can recall the network among the cities, Amsterdam, Cape Town, Colombo, Galle, Maraca, Batavia, Formosa and Nagasaki.

 

 

 


3. Dutch Colonial Urban Planning

 

Dutch overseas expansion began in the end of 16th century. Before 1602 when VOCDutch East India Companywas established, there was no central body in the Dutch Republic to organize shipping and trade overseas. The first company, Compagnie van Verre (Company for distant trade), started its activities in 1592.

 The trials to establish the fortress and permanent settlement began in 1599 by Pieter van der Does whose fleet had two military engineers. But the enterprise all failed before the establishment of Nassau fort in on Gold coast in 1610. Before that, Dutch captured Portuguese fortress Leitimor and renamed it Victoria in 1605.

 

 

 

 

 Duytsche Mathematique: Many engineers and architects participated in founding fortress and settlement from the beginning of 17th century. We have one big man who played an important role in the Dutch colonial urban planning. He is Simon Stevin, the great scientist in those days who is well known to us that he make the ideal port city. He published several books on science and technologies. As for Stevin, I entrust Dr. Ron to analyze his works.

 One of his achievement is that he established engineering school called Duytsche Mathematique in Leiden University in 1600 with Prince Maurice which educated and trained many engineers and land surveyors.  Academia de Matematicas by Philip II is said its model. The principal motivation for founding the Duytsche Mathematique had been the need for military engineers in the war in the Netherlands against Spain.

 

  There were opportunities to receive an education overseas by taking private lessons with an experienced surveyor and engineers on the Job training, trained land surveyors and engineers needed assistants who could be trained by his superior. Examples are found on Taiwan, Batavia and Sri Lanka.

On Taiwan, the German soldier Casper Schmalkalden was employed as a land surveyor between 1648-1650. He was probably the assistant to the chartered land surveyor Cornelis Jansz Plockhoy, active 1647-54.

Engineers: The number of land surveyors rose rapidly until 1675 and declined somewhat thereafter. Dutch military and civil engineers were attracted to military service all over Europe. Dutch engineers were active in fortification, city building and civil engineering projects in Scandinavia, Germany, Poland, England and even Italy. Engineers and surveyors were also exported to Dutch overseas territories for the layout of towns, building fortifications and organization of the territory.

Fabriek: Land surveyors and engineers acted as land administrators, town builders and architects. They often obtained a higher administrative post overseas. Among them, there were two prominent figures; Johan Maurits van Nassau in Brazil and Johannes van Walbeeck in Curacao.

 

Technocrats in general are called ‘fabriek fabrieken’

 An earlier example of such professional is Jan van den Brouck of Antwerp. We have several names that were active in Dutch overseas territories,

 

 

 

  Rules and Procedures for Urban Planning:

  A uniform rules and procedures were applied in Dutch’ America, Africa and Asia. For instance, one standard measurement was used: Rijnlandse roede or Rhineland rod (377.7cm). One exception is Surinam where Bloysche roede (361.7cm), Zeelandia measure, was used as an official unit. Land surveyors measured distances with a chain, which are 5.5 Rhineland rods in length.

 Simon Stevin plotted distances in ‘steps’ (one step is 2,5 Rhineland feet).

 

 In terms of legislation, a higher degree of uniformity overseas is also found. For the entire chartered territory of the VOC, the 1642 Batavia law code, known as the Bataviasche Statuten, were in use.

 Directors promoted uniformity of practices through the coordination of building activities in the Republic and overseas government. Before starting any construction, local Governors had to send their plans to superiors and specialists in Batavia and the Republic.

 

And we have the manuals and maps. For example, Pieter Beaumont and Willem Mogge received five books below.

       Hendrick Ruse, Versterckte vesting, uytgevonden in velerley voorvallen, en geobserveert in dese latest oorlogen, soo in de Vereenigde Nederlanden, als in Vranckrijck, Duytsland, Italien, Dalmatien, Albanien, en die daer aengelegen landen. TAmsterdam, 1654

        Gerard Melder, Korte en klare instructie van regulare en iregulare fortificatie, met haere buyten-wercken; te gebruyccken defensive en offensive: een compagnie, een regiment, een leger te voet en te paert te logeren   Amsterdam 1664;

       Simon Stevin, Sterckten-bouwingh, TAmsterdam, 1624

       Balthasar Gerbier, Cryghs-architecture, ende de fortificatien gestelt in de Fransche, ende Engelsche tale; Delft, 1652

       Samuer Marolois, Forti-ficatie, dat is, sterckte bouwing. A Amsterdam, 1651


 Paramaribo:

 

 Lastly, I will show you slides of Zeelandia you have never seen.

 

  The history of Surinam as a country begins after its discovery by the Spaniards Alonso de Ojeda and Juan de la Cosa, in 1499. The English colonized the area around 1650-51. Dutch arrived in Surinam in 1667. The Zeeland commander Abraham Crijnssen and his men drove the English out of Surinam during the Second English War and took the Fort into their possession and rename it Fort Zeelandia. As is well known, Dutch exchange New Amsterdam (New York) with Zeelandia.

 

 Plural society Segregation

 Catholics Hindu Muslim Jew

 

 All the houses are made of wood. Where the styles of houses are from is interesting subject. Gable and veranda chracterize the house style.

 

 Regarding Paramaribo, one of the students is now preparing a report based on the field visit. We have many things to analyze. The load of tasks is beyond our capacity and I want to invite many young researchers to join the research projects,

 

In closing, I wish to express my great appreciation once again to Prof. A for inviting me to participate in this symposium.

 Thank you very much for your kind attention and patience.

 


2024年8月20日火曜日

審査後のモニタリングも必要,『日刊建設通信新聞』,20060720

◆中小事務所や若手の参加機会を確保すべき

◆審査後のモニタリングも必要

 

国のプロジェクトについては、PFI方式を採用して総合評価一般競争入札で事業者を決定する事例が、一般化しつつある。事業を長期間民間に委託できることや、説明責任を果たしやすいことなど、PFIとは発注者にとっても好都合な事業手法であり、こうしたことから地方自治体でも急速に広まっている。

PFIの課題をあげるなら、まずは地域の中小設計事務所にとっては参入しにくいスキームだということ。中小事業者でもPFIに参加できるファイナンスの仕組みを整えることが求められている。

また総合評価一般競争では技術評価で差がつかず、価格の安い者が落札するという結果に落ち着いてしまいがちだ。実験的なプロジェクトは敬遠され、提案も平均化されたものになってしまう。これまでPFI方式の導入対象となった施設も、民間の知恵を生かすといいながら、用途上民間のアイデアを採り入れにくい施設が多い。これでは思い切った評価ができないし、評価に差をつけることができない。

一方でコンペやプロポーザルであれば、良いものをひとつだけ選べばよい。大型施設であるとか、地域で類を見ないようなものについては国際コンペなど、アイデアを地域外から集めたらいい。だが小学校の校舎であるとか、比較的小規模な建築については、地域の中小設計事務所や若い建築家のために、受注できる機会を確保すべきだろう。

富弘美術館(群馬県東村)のように住民参加型の設計者選定が進められた事例もあるが、このような場合、技術提案をきちんと評価できる審査委員の存在が重要となる。その意味で、結局鍵を握るのは審査委員のそのものかもしれない。少なくとも建設が完了するまで審査委員はプロジェクトを見届けるとか、完成後に継続してモニタリングするシステムなども必要になるだろう。

 

 




2024年8月19日月曜日

世紀末建築の行方:戦後50年と阪神・淡路大震災,建築年報,日本建築学会,199602

 世紀末建築の行方:戦後五〇年と阪神・淡路大震災          

 

 敗戦から阪神・淡路大震災への戦後五〇年

 戦後五〇年の節目に当たる一九九五年は、日本の戦後五〇年のなかでも敗戦の一九四五年とともにとりわけ記憶される年になった。阪神・淡路大震災とオウム事件。この二つの大事件によって、日本の戦後五〇年の様々な問題が根底的に問い直されることになったのである。加えて、年末からは「住専問題」(不良債権問題)が明るみに出た。日本の都市と建築を支えてきたものが大きく揺さぶられ続けたのが一九九五年であった。

 建築界は、阪神・淡路大震災で明け暮れた。この間の「建築家」の対応は様々にまとめられている。今たまたま、大部の報告書『兵庫県南部地震の被害調査に基づいた実証的分析による被害の検証』*1があるのであるが、この一冊だけからも、大変な災害であったことが再確認できると同時に、多くの「建築家」が大震災をそれぞれ自らの大きな課題として取り組んできたことがうかがえる。

 一方、大震災から時が流れるにつれ、時間の経過に伴う感慨も沸いてくる。最早、大震災は遠い過去のものとなりつつあるように思えてしまう。既に三月二〇日の地下鉄サリン事件以降、オウムの事件が日本列島を席巻し、被災地は置き去られた感はあった。オウム事件関連の裁判が進行していくのであるが、生々しさは加速度を増して消えていく。

 大震災の最大の教訓は、実は、人々は容易に震災を忘れてしまうことではないか。

 もちろん、大震災の投げかけた意味が一貫して問い続けられたことは疑いはない。また、これからも問い続けられていくであろう。大震災が、この五〇年の建築や都市のあり方を根底的に考え直させる、それほど大きな事件であったことは論をまたないところだ。阪神・淡路大震災をめぐっては、様々な議論の場に関わり、何度か思うところを記録する機会があった*2。また、戦後五〇年ということで、戦後建築の歴史を振り返り、まとめ直す機会があった*3。それを基礎に、建築の戦後五〇年を振り返ってみよう。

 

 人工環境化・・・自然の力・・・地域の生態バランス

 阪神・淡路大震災に関してまず確認すべきは自然の力である。いくつものビルが横転し、高速道路が捻り倒された。そんなことがあっていいのか、というのは別の感慨として、とにかく地震の力は強大であった。また、避難所生活を通じての不自由さは自然に依拠した生活基盤の大事さを思い知らせてくれた。

 水道の蛇口をひねればすぐ水が出る。スイッチをひねれば明かりが灯る。エアコンディショニングで室内気候は自由に制御できる。人工的に全ての環境をコントロールできる、あるいはコントロールしているとつい考えがちなのであるが、とんでもない。災害が起こる度に思い知らされるのは、自然の力を読みそこなっていることである。自然の力を忘れてしまっていることである。山を削って土地をつくり、湿地に土を盛って宅地にする。そして、海を埋め立てる。本来人が住まなかった場所だ。災害を恐れるからそういう場所には住んでこなかった。その歴史の智恵を忘れて、開発が進められてきたのである。

 それにしても、関西には地震はこない、というのはどんな根拠に基づいていたのか。軟弱地盤や活断層、液状化の問題についていかに無知であったことか。また、知っていても、結果的にいかに甘く見ていたか。

 一方、自然のもつ力のすばらしさも再認識させられた。例えば、家の前の樹木が火を止めた例がある。緑の役割は大きいのである。自然の河川や井戸の意味も大きくクローズアップされたのであった。

 人工環境化、あるいは人工都市化が戦後一貫した建築界の趨勢である。自然は都市から追放されてきた。果たして、その行き着く先がどうなるのか、阪神・淡路大震災は示したのではないか。「地球環境」という大きな枠組みが明らかになるなかで、また、日本列島から開発フロンティアが失われるなかで、自然の生態バランスに基礎を置いた都市、建築のあり方が模索されるべきではないか。

 

 フロンティア拡大の論理・・・「文化住宅」の悲劇・・・開発の社会経済バランス

 阪神・淡路大震災の発生、避難所生活、応急仮設住宅居住、そして復旧・復興へという過程を見てつくづく感じるのは、日本社会の階層性である。すぐさまホテル住まいに移行した層がいる一方で、避難所が閉鎖されて猶、避難生活を続けざるを得ない人たちがいる。間もなく出入りの業者や関連企業の社員に倒壊建物を片づけさせる邸宅がある一方で、長い間手つかずの建物がある。びくともしなかった高級住宅街のすぐ隣で数多くの死者を出した地区がある。これほどまでに日本社会は階層的であったのか。

 最もダメージを受けたのは、高齢者であり、障害者であり、住宅困窮者であり、外国人であり、要するに社会的弱者であった。結果として、浮き彫りになったのは、都市計画の論理や都市開発戦略がそうした社会的弱者を切り捨てる階層性の上に組み立てられてきたことだ。

 ひたすらフロンティアを求める都市拡大政策の影で、都心が見捨てられてきた。開発の投資効果のみが求められ、居住環境整備や防災対策など都心への投資は常に後回しにされてきた。

 例えば、最も大きな打撃を受けたのが「文化」である。関西で「ブンカ」というと「文化住宅」というひとつの住居形式を意味する。その「文化住宅」が大きな被害にあった。木造だったからということではない。木造住宅であっても、震災に耐えた住宅は数知れない。木造住宅が潰れて亡くなった方もいるけれど家具が倒れて(飛んで)亡くなった方が数多い。大震災の教訓は数多いけれど、しっかり設計した建物は総じて問題はなかった。「文化住宅」は、築後年数が長く、白蟻や腐食で老朽化したものが多かったため大きな被害を受けたのである。戦後の住宅政策や都市政策の貧困の裏で、「文化住宅」は、日本の社会を支えてきた。それが最もダメージを受けたのである。それにしても「文化住宅」とは皮肉な命名である。阪神・淡路大震災によって、「文化住宅」の存在という日本の住宅文化の一断面が浮き彫りになったのである。

 都市計画の問題として、まず、指摘されるのは、戦後に一貫する開発戦略の問題点である。神戸市の、企業経営の論理を取り入れた都市経営の展開は、自治体の模範とされた。しかし、その裏で、また、結果として、都心の整備を遅らせてきた。都心に投資するのは効率が悪い。時間がかかる。また、防災にはコストがかかる。経済論理が全てを支配するなかで、都市生活者の論理、都市の論理が見失われてきた。都市経営のポリシー、都市計画の基本論理が根底的に問われたのである。

 

 一極集中システム・・・重層的な都市構造・・・地区の自律性

 日本の大都市はひたすら肥大化してきた。移動時間を短縮させるメディアを発達させひたすら集積度を高めてきた。郊外へのスプロールが限界に達するや、空へ、地下へ、海へ、さらにフロンティアを求め、巨大化してきた。都市や街区の適正な規模について、われわれはあまりに無頓着ではなかったか。

 都市構造の問題として露呈したのが、一極集中型のネットワークの問題点である。大震災が首都圏で起きていたら、一体どうなっていたのか。東京一極集中の日本の国土構造の弱点がより致命的に問われたのは確実である。遷都問題がかってないほどの関心を集めはじめたのは当然といえば当然のことである。

 阪神間の都市構造が大きな問題をもっていることはすぐさま明らかになった。インフラストラクチャーの多くが機能停止に陥ったのである。それぞれに代替システム、重層システムがなかったのである。交通機関について、鉄道が幅一キロメートルに四つの路線が平行に走るけれど迂回する線がない。道路にしてもそうである。多重性のあるネットワークは、交通に限らず、上下水道などライフラインのシステム全体に必要なのである。

 エネルギー供給の単位、システムについても、多核・分散型のネットワーク・システム、地区の自律性が必要である。ガス・ディーゼル・電気の併用、井戸の分散配置など、多様な系がつくられる必要がある。また、情報システムとしても地区の間に多重のネットワークが必要であった。

 また、公共空間の貧困が大きな問題となった。公共建築の建築としての弱さは、致命的である。特に、病院がダメージを受けたのは大きかった。危機管理の問題ともつながるけれど、消防署など防災のネットワークが十分に機能しなかったことも大きい。想像を超えた震災だったということもあるが、システム上の問題も指摘される。避難生活、応急生活を支えたのは、小中学校とコンビニエンスストアであった。公共施設のあり方は、非日常時を想定した性能が要求されるのである。

 また、クローズアップされたのは、オープンスペースの少なさである。公園空地が少なくて、火災が止まらなかった。また、仮設住宅を建てるスペースがない。地区における公共空間の他に代え難い意味を教えてくれたのが今回の大震災である。

 

 産業社会の論理・・・地域コミュニティのネットワーク・・・ヴォランティアの役割

 目の前で自宅が燃えているのを呆然と見ているだけでなす術がないというのは、どうみてもおかしい。同時多発型の火災の場合にどういうシステムが必要なのか。防火にしろ、人命救助にしろ、うまく機能したのはコミュニティがしっかりしている地区であった。救急車や消防車が来るのをただ待つだけという地区は結果として被害を拡大することにつながったのである。

 今回の大震災における最大の教訓は、行政が役に立たないことが明らかになった、という自虐的な声を聞いた。一理はある。自治体職員もまた被災者である。行政のみに依存する体質が有効に機能しないのは明らかである。問題は、自治の仕組みであり、地区の自律性である。行政システムにしろ、産業的な諸システムにしろ、他への依存度が高い程問題は大きかったのである。

 産業化の論理こそ、戦後社会を導いてきたものである。その方向性が容易に揺らぐとは思えないけれど、その高度化、もしくは多重化が追求されることになろう。ひとつの焦点になるのがヴォランティア活動である。あるいはNPO(非営利組織)の役割である。

 今回の震災によって、一般的にヴォランティアの役割が大きくクローズアップされた。まちづくりにおけるヴォランティアの意味の確認は重要である。しかし、ヴォランティアの問題点も既に意識される。行政との間で、また、被災者との間で様々な軋轢も生まれたのである。多くは、システムとしてヴォランティア活動が位置づけられていないことに起因する。

 建築の分野でも被災度調査から始まって復興計画に至る過程で、ヴォランティアの果たした役割は少なくない。しかし、その持続的なシステムについては必ずしも十分とはいない。ある地区のみ関心が集中し、建築、都市計画の専門家の支援が必要とされる大半の地区が見捨てられたままである。また、行政当局も、専門家、ヴォランティアの派遣について、必ずしも積極的ではない。粘り強い取り組みのなかで、日常的なまちづくりにおける専門ヴォランティアの役割を実質化しながら状況を変えていくことになるであろう。

 

 最適設計の思想・・・建築技術の社会的基盤・・・ストック再生の技術

 何故、多くのビルや橋、高速道路が倒壊したのか。何故、多くの人命が失われることになったのか。建築界に関わるわれわれ全てが深く掘り下げる必要がある。最悪なのは、専門外だから自分とは無縁であるという態度である。問題なのは社会システムであると、自らの依って立つ基盤を問わない態度である。問題は基準法なのか、施工技術なのか、検査システムなのか、重層下請構造なのか、という個別的な問いの立て方ではなくて、建築を支える思想(設計思想)の全体、建築界を支える全構造(社会的基盤)がまずは問われるべきである。建造物の倒壊によって人命が失われるという事態はあってはならないことである。しかし、それが起こった。だからこそ、建築界の構造の致命的な欠陥によるのではないかと第一に疑ってみる必要がある。

 要するに、安全率の見方が甘かった。予想を超える地震力だった。といった次元の問題ではないのではないか、ということである。経済的合理性とは何か。技術的合理性とは何か。経済性と安全性の考え方、最適設計という平面がどこで成立するのかがもっと深く問われるべきなのである。

 建築技術の問題として、被災した建造物を無償ということで廃棄したのは決定的なことであった。都市を再生する手がかりを失うことにつながったからである。特に、木造住宅の場合、再生可能であるという、その最大の特性を生かす機会を奪われてしまった。廃材を使ってでも住み続ける意欲のなかに再生の最初のきっかけもあったのである。

 何故、鉄筋コンクリートや鉄骨造の建物の再生利用が試みられなかったのも不思議である。技術的には様々な復旧方法が可能ではないか。そして、関東大震災以降、新潟地震の場合など、かなりの復旧事例もある。阪神・淡路大震災の場合、少なくとも、再生技術の様々な方法が蓄積されるべきではなかったか。

 

 仮設都市・・・スクラップ・アンド・ビルド・・・サテイアン 

 阪神・淡路大震災は、人々の生活構造を根底から揺るがし、都市そのものを廃棄物と化した。しかし、それ以前に、われわれの都市は廃棄物として建てられているのではないか、という気もしてくる。建てては壊し、壊しては建てる、阪神・淡路大震災は、スクラップ・アンド・ビルドの日本の都市の体質を浮かび上がらせただけではないか。

 阪神・淡路大震災の前には全ての建築の問題が霞むのであるが、一九九五年の建築界を振り返って、ひとつの事件として挙げるべきものは東京都市博覧会(都市博)の中止である。近代日本の百年、都市計画は博覧会を都市開発の有力な手段にしてきた。仮設の博覧会のためにインフラストラクチャーを公共団体が整備し、博覧会が終わると民間企業が進出して都市開発を行う。戦後も大阪万博以降、各自治体が様々なテーマで繰り広げる博覧会にその手法は踏襲されてきた。博覧会型都市計画は、果たして、その命脈を断たれることになるであろうか。いずれにせよ、建築界にとって戦後五〇年が大きな区切りの年になったことは間違いない。

 戦災復興から高度成長期へ、日本の建築界はひたすら建てることのみを目指してきたように見える。住宅の総戸数が世帯数を超え、オイルショックにみまわれた七〇年代前半を経ても、そのスクラップ・アンド・ビルドの趨勢は揺るがなかった。都市計画も成長拡大政策が基調であった。また、巨大プロジェクト主義が支配的であった。

 都市博が「東京フロンティア」と名づけられていたことは象徴的である。フロンティアの消滅が意識されるからこそ、フロンティアが求められたのである。

 しかしそれにしても、オウム真理教のサティアンと呼ばれる建築物も戦後建築の五〇年の原点と到達点を示しているようで無気味であった。そこにあるのは経済的合理性のみの表現である。あるいは何の美学もない間に合わせのバラック主義である。そこでは建築や街並み、周辺の景観など一切顧慮されていないのである。仮設の建物のなかで、全く我が侭に、自らの魂の救済のみが求められている。

 

 変わらぬ構造

 大震災によって何が変わったのか、というと、今のところ、何も変わらなかったのではないか、という気がしないでもない。震災があったからといって、そう簡単にものごとの仕組みが変わるわけはないのである。そのインパクトが現れてくるまでには時間がかかるだろう。しかしそうは思っても、果たして何かが変わっていくのかどうか疑問が湧いてくる。

 建築家、都市計画プランナーたちはヴォランティアとして、それぞれ復旧、震災復興の課題に取り組んできた。コンテナ住宅の提案、紙の教会の建設、ユニークで想像力豊かな試みもなされてきた。この新しいまちづくりへの模索は実に貴重な蓄積となるであろう。

 しかし、そうした試みによって新しい動きが見えてきたかというと必ずしもそうでもない。復興計画は行政と住民の間に様々な葛藤を生み、容易にまとまりそうにないのである。そして、大震災の教訓が復興計画にいかに生かされようとしているのか、というと心許ない限りである。都市計画を支える制度的な枠組みは揺らいではいないし、立案された復興計画をみると、大復興計画というべき巨大プロジェクト主義が見えかくれしている。フロンティア主義は変わらないのであろうか。

 関東大震災後も、戦災復興の時にも、そして、今度の大震災の後も、日本の都市計画は同じようなことを繰り返すだけではないのか。要するに、何も変わらないのではないか、と思えてくる。復興過程の袋小路を見ていると、震災が来ようと来まいと、基本的な問題点が露呈しただけであるように見える。問題は、被災地であろうと被災地でなかろうと関係ない。どこにも遍在する問題を地震の一揺れが一瞬のうちに露呈させたのではないか。だとすると、ずっと問われているのは戦後五〇年の都市と建築のあり方なのである。

 バブルが弾けて、ポストモダンの建築は完全にその勢いを失った。デコン(破壊)派と呼ばれた殊更に傾いた壁やファサード(正面)を弄んできた建築表現の動向も大震災の破壊の前で児戯と化した。建築表現は世紀末へ向けてどう変化していくのか。

 このところCAD表現主義とでもいうべき、コンピューターを駆使することによって可能になった形態表現が目立つ。新しいメディアによって新たな建築表現が試みられるのは当然である。しかし、CADによる形態操作の生み出す多様な表現はすぐさま飽和状態に達する予感がないでもない。建築はヴァーチャルな世界で完結はしないからである。

 

 都市(建築)の死と再生

 今度の大震災がわれわれにつきつけたのは都市(建築)の死というテーマである。そして、その再生というテーマである。被災直後の街の光景にわれわれがみたのは滅亡する都市(建築)のイメージと逞しく再生しようとする都市(建築)のイメージの二つである。都市(建築)が死ぬことがあるという発見、というにはあまりにも圧倒的な事実は、より原理的に受けとめられなければならないだろう。

 現代都市の死、廃墟を見てしまったからには、これまでとは異なった都市(建築)の姿が見えたのでなければならない。復興計画は、当然、これまでにない都市(建築)のあり方へと結びついていかねばならない。

 そこで、都市の歴史、都市の記憶をどう考えるのかは、復興計画の大きなテーマである。何を復旧すべきか、何を復興すべきか、何を再生すべきか、必然的には都市の固有性、歴史性をどう考えるかが問われるのである。

 建造物の再生、復旧が、まず建築家にとって大きな問題となる。同じものを復元すればいいのか、という問いを前にして、建築家は基本的な解答を求められる。それはしかし、震災があろうとなかろうと常に問われている問題である。都市の歴史的、文化的コンテクストをどう読むか、それをどう表現するかは、日常的テーマといっていいのである。

 戦災復興でヨーロッパの都市がそう試みたように、全く元通りに復旧すればいいというのであれば簡単である。しかし、そうした復旧の理念は、日本においてどう考えても共有されそうにない。都市が復旧に値する価値をもっているかどうか、ということに関して疑問は多いのである。すなわち、日本の都市は社会的なストックとして意識されてきていないのである。戦後五〇年で、日本の都市はすぐさま復興を遂げ、驚くほどの変貌を遂げた。しかし、この半世紀が造り上げた後世に残すべき町や建築は何かというと実に心許ないのである。

 スクラップ・アンド・ビルド型の都市でいいということであれば、震災による都市の破壊もスクラップのひとつの形態ということでいい。必ずしも、まちづくりについてのパラダイムの変更は必要ないだろう。しかし、バブル崩壊後、スクラップ・ビルドの体制は必然的に変わっていかざるを得ないのではないか。

 そして、都市が本来人々の生活の歴史を刻み、しかも、共有化されたイメージや記憶をもつものだとすれば、物理的にもその手がかりをもつのでなければならない。都市のシンボル的建造物のみならず、ここそこの場所に記憶の種が埋め込まれている必要がある。極めて具体的に、ストック型の都市が目指されるとしたら、復興の理念に再生の理念、建造物の再生利用の概念が含まれていなければならない。否、建築の理念そのものに再生の理念が含まれていなければならない。

 果たして、日本の都市はストックー再生型の都市に転換していくことができるのであろうか。

 表現の問題として、都市の骨格、すなわち、アイデンティティーをどうつくりだすことができるか。単に、建造物を凍結的に復元保存すればいいのか、歴史的、地域的な建築様式のステレオタイプをただ用いればいいのか、地域で産する建築材料をただ使えばいいのか、・・・・議論は大震災以前からのものである。

 阪神・淡路大震災は、こうして、日本の建築界の抱えている基本的問題を抉り出した。しかし、その解答への何らかの方向性を見い出す契機になるのかどうかはわからない。半世紀後の被災地の姿にその答えは明確となる筈だ。しかし、それ以前に、半世紀前から同じ問いの答えが求められているのである。

*1 研究代表者 藤原悌三 一九九六年三月

*2  拙稿、「阪神大震災とまちづくり……地区に自律のシステムを」共同通信配信、一九九五年一月二九日『神戸新聞』、「阪神・淡路大震災と戦後建築の五〇年」、『建築思潮』四号、一九九六年、「日本の都市の死と再生」、『THIS IS 読売』、一九九六年二月号など

*3 拙著、『戦後建築の終焉』、れんが書房新社、一九九五年、『戦後建築の来た道 行く道』、東京建築設計厚生年金基金、一九九五年









 

2024年8月18日日曜日

建築家のいる風景,そこには依然として富士山が似合うのか,螺旋工房クロニクル001,建築文化,彰国社,197801

 「建築家」の居る風景・・・そこには依然として富士山がよく似合うのか

 

 A ja ja jan

 B 何だそりゃ!? 「今晩は。ビートルズです、ぼくたち」とか、「子の刻参上」とか、てっきり格好良く来ると思ったら。いきなりーーーー?。

 A 富士山見たか? 『ja』(一九七七年一〇ー一一月)見たか? これja

 B 度し難いね。まるで渡辺豊和*[i]の『建築美』創刊号(一九七七・夏)、石山修武*[ii]の「怪談 三義人邂逅・一幕一場」にて石井和絋*[iii]こと「多義」登場の場面じゃないか。一体何事ジャ。ジャー・ジャーって。『アン・アン』『ノンノ』は古いですよ。『モア』だとか『クロワッサン』だとか・・・それにしてもニューファミリー向けの雑誌って全然ふるわないって言うじゃないの。ニューファミリーなんて、何処にも存在しなかったてわけだよ。

 A これは一種のスキャンダルだね。POST-METABOLISMのニューウェイブだってさ。明日の日本建築を担う建築家の総勢三六人。しかも、悪意に充ちた序列、番付つきだよ。

 B 「一寸待て、車は急に止まれない」。「狭い日本、そんなに急いで何処へ行く」。富士山とか、ニューウェイブとか。序列・番付とかおよその見当はつくがね。何でそんな目くじらたてんのかね。・・・「ジャーナリズムは、われわれにその日暮らしの旅(ジャーニー)を強いる。夥しい「事件」が毎朝毎晩、律儀に届けられてくるが、それはほとんど、われわれのまわりで何が起こっているのか、という問いを発せさせないためであるかに見える」なんて言ってみたくなるじゃないか。スキャンダルがありうるとしても、その生産また再生産は、ジャーナリズムにとって日常的な自己運動の展開にすぎないはずだ。

 A しらけるな。君はいつもそうして「ゴドーを待ちながら」か。しかし、到来の気配や兆候は、われわれの周辺には漂ってはいないさ。スキャンダルはスキャンダルさ。日常生活に染み込んだ不可能性の意識とないまぜになった「子の刻幻想」。しかし、君らはいつも「子の刻五分過ぎ」・・・いや、三回り半遅れのマラソンマン。

 B 壮大なるピエロだな。君の身振りも判らんでもないがね。まあ、やってくれ。そのスキャンダルというやつ。悪意に充ちた何とかというやつを解説してくれよ。

 A まず、富士山だ。遥か上空に雲があって、そのなかに太ゴチでKENZO TANGE*[iv]、そしてメタボリズム・グループ*[v]が居る。雲上人というわけだ。

 B KAZUO SINOHARA*[vi]なんてのもあるね。雲上人のなかに。

 A どうも、一九三〇年生まれ以降ということで線を引いたらしい。いつか『A+U』で石井和絋+鈴木博之*[vii]の「アンダーフォーティ」(七七年一月号)とかなんとかいうのがあったよな。あれが下敷きになっている。同じコンビだ。この構図を描いたのは。

 B やっぱり「多義」じゃないか。それにしても鈴木博之とは気になるねえ。

 A 一九三〇年で線を引くから、メタボリズムの旗手、黒川紀章*[viii]が入ってくる。海外の知名度から磯崎新*[ix]と左右に並べて、風神、雷神。以下、石山修武、石井和絋、安藤忠雄*[x]0がその後継者。

 B 後継者と書いてあるのかい。

 A 書いてある。続いて、木島安史*[xi]1、相田武文*[xii]2Architext*[xiii]3らの四〇代を分断するわけだ。木島安史なんてのは鈴木博之好みなのかな。以上は四頁プラス論文つきだ。一寸格が落ちて、MONTA MOZUNA*[xiv]4、TOYOO ITO*[xv]5、TOYOKAZU WATANABE、ZO ATELIER*[xvi]6が各三頁。

 B ZOねえ。気になるねえ。

 A 何なら解説しますよ。わりと丁寧に紹介してあるけど、やはりストレインジ・フォルム(奇妙な形)が売られているニュアンスがあるかな。関係ないけど、ピーター・クックが象を絶賛したらしいよ。とにかく以上がベストイレブンで一部。以下二部一六人、各二頁。三部九人、各一頁となっている。一部でも磯崎一〇頁、黒川八頁と微妙に差がつけてあるし、その差異化の意図は透けるように明確だよ。KUROSAWA*[xvii]7が二頁で、SONE*[xviii]8が一頁だ。

 B なるほどね。それが君のいうスキャンダル、悪意に充ちた序列・番付か。随分細かな詮索をしたもんだ。遊びとしては面白いんじゃないの。『建築評論』八号(一九七三年五月)でも幾つか番付つくっているし、鈴木博之は、「<引用と暗喩の建築>の建築家」(『都市住宅』 七七年七月号)で、そうした試みをすすめ、ほのめかしていたじゃないか。そりゃあ、ピンでとめられた側にしてみりゃあーいやピンでとめられなかった奴は余計だろうけれどー頭にくるかもしれないだろうが、こうした番付評価は悪意に充ちてたほうが、いいにきまってる。問題は・・・。

 A こうした構図の提出される場所とコンテクストだろ。この構図は、もとより、そのコンテクストを見据えて、それなりの戦略のなかでしかも世界へ向けて、提出されているはずだ。

 B 富士山は決して赤くはないが、「ぼくと富士山との間にあるいろんなものが、ぼくを中心に大きな円を描きながら回っている」んだね。ところで、最近は風呂屋の壁のペンキ絵にも、富士山は少ないんだよ。君なんか知る由もないだろうがね。

 A そうだ。まず富士山が問題だ。確かに何で、富士山をバックにしなきゃいけないのかね。石井和絋にしても、鈴木博之にしても、俺らよりはるかにインターナショナルな視野で日本の建築文化をみれるはずではないか。そうしたなかで日本の展開を位置づけることは可能なはずだよ。たとえば、イタリアを中心とする最近の動向との絡みでやれなかったのかね。POST-METABOLISMということで、日本の建築家をすべて梱包して輸出する。どうも胡散臭いねえ。何も日本という枠をはめなくても、日本ほど情報が集まるところはないんだから、別の輸出の仕方はいくらでもありそうなもんだ。この輸出入のあり方は、どうしようもなく日本的だよ。だから富士山だ。何もめぼしいところに気をつかって皆拾い上げて、しかも序列をつけて出すことはない。序列にしても、さまざまな視点からのそれが用意されていいんじゃないか。仮に、ニューウェイブなるものが存在するとしてもだ。・・・・と、こうだろ。

 B 「昭和日本」ー「日本天皇制民主帝国クリンアップ机上作戦透視図」(『流動』)なんての知ってる?

 A POST-METABOLISMという問題のたて方は、C.ジェンクスのPOST-MODERN ARCHITECTUREなんてやつより、超えるべきものを具体的に見据えている点で、ひとまずよしとしよう。六〇年代日本建築の支配的イデオロギーとしてのメタボリズムだ。しかし、こうした問題のたて方で、一番ひっかかるのは、まず黒川紀章だろ。メタボリズムのイデオローグではないかもしれないが、少なくとも饒舌なアジテイターではあった彼が、同様POST-METABOLISMの旗手でありうるということは、一体どういうことだ。・・・常識的には、そこに特殊日本的な事情と、メタボリズムなるものと同時にポスト・メタボリズムなるものの薄っぺらさとを読みとるだろうな。受け手としてはね。

 B 母さん、僕のメタボリズム、どうしたでせうね。・・・その時傍で咲いていた車百合の花は、もうとうに枯れちゃったでせうね。・・・今夜あたりは、あの峪間に、静かに雪が降りつもっているでせう。・・・ニュー・ウェイブも遠からず、枯れたり、雪が積もったり、どうしたでせうね、ってことになるんじゃないの。真砂なす数なき砂のその中に染み込んでさ。

 A いや、ニュー・ウェイブなんてのは、明らかにフレーム・アップだよ。POST-METABOLISMは、何も新しい運動でも組織でもイデオロギーでもないさ。命名者たちだってくどいくらいに断っているさ。だから、問題は、フレームの措定と、その方向づけの語り口、その内的必然性じゃないのかね。彼らが、POST-METABOLISMの指標として挙げるのは、テクノロジーの直線的な進歩に対する信仰の拒否、そして、それが決してトータルな拒否にあらず、つかず離れずで用いること・・・よくわからんな・・・そして社会へのアプローチだ・・・ますます、判らんという顔をしているな・・・さらに、形態のもつ意味の重要性についての認識だ・・・これは了解するかな・・・。

 B 僕の韓国の友人ならこういうね。ビビンバ(●ハングル)と一言。日本の建築は、少なくとも雑誌みてる限りにおいてビビンバだっていうのが彼の口癖でね。一匙ごとに味が違うってわけさ。

 A POST-METABOLISM=ビビンバというのは異議ないね。しかし、その序列の尺度はどうなるのか。石井和絋は、エンターテイナーとして認められているらしいから、とりあえずおいて・・・鈴木博之は、その判断に歴史家としてのそれが当然入るはずだろう。彼は少なくとも「同時代における歴史叙述と批評」(『建築雑誌』 七七年九月号 特集「同時代史ー日本近代建築史の問題」)の問題に意識的なはずだ。これを彼の同時代批評の実践とみれば、実に興味深いじゃないか。伊藤ていじが、いつかの『新建築』の「月評」(七七年九月)で彼について実にうまい批評をしてたけど、この人一寸気を使いすぎるね。上にも下にも、右にも左にも。

 B ところで君なら、このビビンバ状況をどう語るのかね・・・

 A 俺なら、まず象だろ、そいで石山、安藤、・・・

 B おいおい、話のレヴェルが違う。組合せを変えて、構図を描きゃいいってもんじゃないだろ。それにみんなベストイレブンじゃないか。

 A あれ!

 B 表層の流れに伴走するのもいいが、道化の役割は荷がかちすぎるんじゃないのかね。君のように、むきになって、別の構図を提出したところで、先行する構図を定着することに力をかすことになるだけさ。活字の物神化というか、写真や言葉のイメージの商品化というか、その物神崇拝によって倒立するなよな。

 A ジャーナリズムは、その日暮らしの旅を強いるか。

 B 私的な会話のエクリチュールがジャーナリズムのそれと位相を異にしえないところに、問題があるね。ミニコミとか、同人誌とかが、自立した回路で成立しにくい状況がね。

 A 自立メディア幻想ね。ミニコミ・マスターベーション論なんて興味あるさ。『建築美』なんてのはそうかもしらんが、『レフォール』(七五年夏)は一寸違うだろ。言語の党派性の問題かな。まてよ、話は終わってないぜ。

 B 『建築雑誌』で、建築ジャーナリズム特集やってるんだよ。近江栄さんらしい企画だよ。向井正也さんなんか「わが国の建築アカデミーの一拠点、日本建築学会の機関誌『建築雑誌』が、主集のテーマとして「建築ジャーナリズム」をとりあげるということは、おそらく、学会の歴史はじまって以来のことではなかろうか」なんて大変なもち上げようだぜ。「アカデミズムの世界には、不似合な突然の異変に、とまどいすらおぼえ」ながらも、「革命的」だなんていってる。

 A まてよ。俺の記憶だと、建築ジャーナリズムが、『建築雑誌』で問題になったことは主集という形ではないにせよ、戦後にもあるぜ。たとえば「建築ジャーナリズムの動きをたどるー関係誌二〇年の歩み」(五六年四月)なんてそうだろ。しかし、それにしても、アカデミズムがジャーナリズムを主題化するという状況はどういうことだろう。奇妙な構図だよ。仮に、両者が理想的に対立するという常識を前提にしてだがね。

 B 建築ジャーナリズムが問われる状況は、ちゃんと歴史的にも押さえておく必要があると思うよ。君なんかとくにね。そこには、幾つかの対立の構図がある。ジャーナリズムとアカデミズム、マスコミとミニコミ、専門誌と大衆紙、建築ジャーナリズムと一般ジャーナリズム、ものとことば、地方と中央、インターナショナルとナショナル・・・・。特に、現役編集者の弁は、他から求められたとはいえ、自らの職能を問うという、彼らにとって日常的な、それでいて最もシビアな問いだから、それなりにしたたかさはあるよ。

 A だから、俺としてはだな・・・このPOST-METABOLISMを素材にだなー建築文化の今日的状況をだな・・・その閉鎖性と貧困とをだな・・・いわゆる建築家のいる風景にだな・・・富士山がだな。

 B まあ、おいおいやるさ。